ISTROS XIII, 2006

Colegiul de redacţie:

VICTOR SPINEI – preşedinte de onoareIONEL CÂNDEA - redactor responsabilVALERIU SÎRBU - secretar de redacţieSTĂNICĂ PANDREA – membruCRISTIAN LUCA – membru

SUMAR

I. STUDII

MUGUR ANDRONIC, Apariţia locuirii umane în Bucovina şi evoluţia sa până la sfârşitul eneoliticului..................................................……..

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VALERIU SÎRBU, Elitele geţilor dintre Carpaţi şi Balcani (sec. IV-III a. Chr): „prinţii de aur şi argint”............................................................

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LYUBAVA KONOVA, Once more about the temenos of Apollo Ietros in Apollonia Pontica. Attempt at reconsideration .................................

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DIANA GERGOVA, The Tumular Embankment in the Burial Rites and Cosmogony of the Thracian Getae. The Cosmic Egg...................

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TOMASZ BOCHNAK, Un aperçu général de l’armement de la culture de Przeworsk aux derniers siècles avant J.-C. ...................................

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DOINA CIOBANU, Methods and techniques of “local” salt extraction in the Romanian area ..................................................................…….

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IONEL CÂNDEA, Cetatea şi oraşul Brăila în relatări ale călătorilor străini (secolul al XVIII-lea) (I) ..........................................................…

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II. MATERIALE ARHEOLOGICE

SORIN-CRISTIAN AILINCĂI, CĂTĂLIN DOBRINESCU, Aşezarea din perioada timpurie a epocii fierului de la Ţibrinu - „La Lac” (com. Mircea Vodă, jud. Constanţa) .......................................................……

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III. ARTICOLE

VIOREL STOIAN, Piese din carapace de ţestoasă descoperite la Siliştea - „Popină”, jud. Brăila .............................................................

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DONE ŞERBĂNESCU, Morminte geto-dacice descoperite în judeţul Călăraşi ................................................................................................

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VARBIN VARBANOV, D. DRAGOEV, A New Thracian Pits Sanctuary in Russe (a preliminary report)...........................................

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VALERIU SÎRBU, EMILIA CORBU, Un mormânt sarmatic de copil

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descoperit la Vlădeni - „Popina Blagodeasca” (jud. Ialomiţa)...............

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NICOLAE MIRIŢOIU, Analiza antropologică a mormântului sarmatic de la Vlădeni - „Popina Blagodeasca” (jud. Ialomiţa) ..........................

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DRAGOŞ MĂNDESCU, Cea mai veche reprezentare grafică a pietrei tombale a comitelui Laurencius de Longo Campo .............

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CLAUDIU NEAGOE, Mari dregători şi negustori greci în Ţara Românească în a doua jumătate a veacului al XVI-lea ...............

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SILVIU OŢA, Un dépôt de lingots et tourteaux de bronze découvert dans Oraşul de Floci (comm. de Giurgeni, dép. de Ialomiţa) .........…..

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IV. IN MEMORIAM

Niculae Conovici, 1948-2005 (Valeriu Sîrbu) ...................................…

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L’APARITION DE L’OCCUPATION HUMAINE DANS LA RÉGION DE BUCOVINE ET SON ÉVOLUTION JUSQU’AU LE FIN DU ÉNÉOLITIQUE

MUGUR ANDRONICRésumé

Pour toute région géographique, la reconstitution de l’évolution démographique est très importante. L’archéologie fait la même chose, mais ayant des possibilités plus réduites. Bien que dans la région de Bucovine, les anciènes vestiges archéologiques datent dans l’Aurignacian, la plupart des découvertes appartiennent au Gravettien. On a decouvert des vestiges de l’homme paléolitique dans les Carpates Orientals jusqu’à l’altitude de 17oo m. En plus, dans la commune Frasin, a coté de la surce d’eau salée Doroteia (plus de 800 m alt.), on a trouvé des outils paléolitiques en pierre, celle-ci étant la plus ancienne témoignage de l’utilisation de cette résurce naturelle de la Roumanie. Des autres importantes découvertes, inédites jusqu’à présent, ont été fait sur le cours supérieur de Bistriţa. La plus grande partie de silex provenait des vallées de Prut Supérieur et de Nistre Moyen. Ainsi, comme dans des autres régions, la période de transition vers le néolitique est très peu connue. Mais, grâce au procés de sédentarité des communités humaines et celui de transition des habitats qui practiquaient l’agriculture extensive, le nombre des sites grandit extrêmement. Les représentants de la variante nordique de la culture Starčcevo-Criş de l’Est de Carpates ont réussi pénétrer aussi dans les vallées des eaux secondaires de la réseau hidrographique. En général, on saisi une intense occupation humaine dans la vallée inférieure et moyenne de la rivière Suceava. Ce phénomène est aussi valable pour la culture suivante, avec la céramique rubanée, dont ses habitats ont employé souvent des emplacements plus anciens. Quelques découvertes de la région de Bucovine indiquent une étroite liaison entre la culture avec la céramique rubanée du S-E de la Pologne et le

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Nistre Superieur et aussi le centre et le sud de la Moldavie. À son tour, la culture Précucuteni est bien représentée dans la région de Bucovine, mais d’une étape plus tardive. Ainsi plus d’habitats étoient établis dans la zone de la ville Suceava et sur le cours inférieur de la rivière. Une grande évolution démographique obtient la culture Cucuteni. Elle occupe des étages divers d’altitude, en fortifiant souvent ses habitats et qui exploite le sel à l’aide des vases de type briquetages, par exemple en Solca ou Cacica.

En conclusion, beaucoup d’aspects étroitement liés à l’archéologie de la période de transition vers l’âge du bronze où s’affirme la culture Horodiştea-Erbiceni(Gorodsk-Usatovo), et aussi la culture des amphores globulaires est encore plus pauvre en découvertes.

Ainsi, toute l’évolution culturelle et démographique, y en ajoutant les procés de synthèse ethnique où ont été impliqué des ethnies divers, a représenté le préambule pour l’apparition de la population protothrace.

GETAE ELITES BETWEEN THE CARPATHIANS AND BALKANS (4TH-3RD CENTURIES BC): “GOLD AND SILVER PRINCES”

VALERIU SÎRBU

Abstract

Chance or systematic archaeological findings between the Dniestr, Black Sea, Carpathians and the Balkans, have brought to light vestiges with similitudes that, when corroborated with written sources, can be attributed to the Getae.

The “society of living”, which is to say the ruler and the community, tried to embody their prestige in the residential centers. As for the tombs, they were the result of the thoughts of the individual and the family on integrating oneself in the “community of the dead”. Finally, the practice of burying treasures points to their views on the “invisible partners” that were the deities, which were never absent from their worldviews.

There is little doubt concerning the existence of a common ideology for the Getae aristocracy in the area in question, given the existence of a set of common items, images and figurative scenes. Moreover, the way these three types of findings show up on the map, namely in higher numbers in particular areas, suggests the presence of centers of power and authority in those areas.

Residential nuclei. The area in question – between the Dniestr, Black Sea, Carpathians and the Balkans – is the site of more than a hundred fortified centers. Despite this high number, conditions pertaining to a particular research or to the overall environment have made it almost impossible to reach unambiguous conclusions. There was more than one reason to erect fortifications. Dangers lurked from other peoples – Schythians, Celts, the southern kingdoms, but also from other Getae, because of conflicts between the various “domestic” political structures. What these fortifications tell us without a

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shadow of a doubt is that they mark key trading and gather sites, on the one hand, and that they are a result of the political rulers’ desire to show their authority and prestige to the world. One problem is that, for lack of sufficient data, we cannot say in what areas this prestige and authority were exerted, or determine the nature of the relations between the aristocrats/dynasts that ruled them.

Dynast tombs. Another major type of finding in the Thracian world consists of imposing tumuli, some of them “featuring” opulent buried gold and silver treasures and even full-blown temples. Only strong beliefs could have been important enough to convince the communities where the dead were from to go at such length in building these sites and in giving up valuable objects. It is the only reasonable explanation, for other motives do not seem strong enough to appease feelings of frustration in families and communities for such efforts without clear benefits. What were these beliefs for the Getae/Thracians?

Since there is evidence of only some 250 inhumation tombs, compared with over 1600 cremation tombs, from the 5th-3rd centuries BC, we can only conclude Thracians had cremation as the predominant funerary rite during this period. However, preferences are reversed in the case of the aristocracy, where inhumation dominates. We see this in the tombs from the Sboryanovo-Sveshtari area, Agighiol, Peretu, Vraca, north of the Balkans or from the Kazanluk-Plovdiv region in southern Balkans.

What is the explanation for this divide?Is it safe to assume that the Thracian aristocracy in general, and the

Getae one in particular, saw the “afterworld” as mirroring life on this earth and therefore preferred inhumation and built massive tumuli (some of them “comfortable” by the standards of the living), deposited personal goods (some of them of great value) and sacrificed horses? This could suggest the tumulus was just another “palace” – the last one, true - for the dead.

What about the cases where we find only body parts or even just isolated bones from the dead, which points to practices of repeated exposure and dismembering. These practices are the result of the belief that the body is just a “container” that the spirit needs to escape from before it can achieve immortality, meaning the body needs to be destroyed. The tumulus no longer seems to be the “terminus station” for the dead, but more of a transit one, on the dead’s way to the place of the “immortals”.

Moreover, we have some cases of high-ranking aristocrats that were cremated. Is this a sign of a “higher” spiritualization of the views on the “afterworld”, or merely of local and family customs? We have cases of commanding funerary set ups where the dead were cremated, such as in Sboryanovo-Sveshtari or the tomb in Cucuteni.

Given all of the above, we cannot but conclude that the Getae “aristocracy” did not have identical notions on what the “afterworld” was like.

The differences between the dead, in terms of their social and political status, are visible in the differences between the richness of the inventory, the presence (or absence) of sculpted or painted scenes, and in the size of the tumuli and the size of the tumuli and of the chambers beneath them. There still are many things we don’t know yet, but we can assume the tombs here mean it

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was a sacred place that contains the buried remains of the Getae elite, which ranges from court aristocracy to the rulers.

Another class of tombs or tumular necropolises consists of those where weapons and offerings were found, but the context is not ostentatious. The dead here are mostly cremated, and only a small percentage of them are inhumed. We find this class of tombs in Găvani, Chirnogi, Zimnicea, Borovo, Drumevo, Yankovo and other sites. They probably contain members of a warrior aristocracy or bands of warriors in the service of dynasts. We know of only a handful of cases with complete sets of a knight’s gear (e.g. Ruce, formerly known as Jurukler): bridle bits, armor and helmet, sword, lances and arrow.

Basilei treasures. Craiova, Băiceni, Borovo, Lukovit and Letnica have been, among others, the sites of treasures (found in high numbers in the region that the Getae – the northern Thracians in particular – used to call home) that display several similitudes, not just in terms of the types of items and figurative representations they contain, but also of the discovery context. Namely, they were not unearthed in necropolises and sanctuaries, or in settlements and fortresses, which means they fall in the category of isolated findings. Nevertheless, there is always a site of a tumular tomb or a fortress somewhere in a one to five kilometer radius. It is crystal clear that the these treasures, with their specific items and figurative scenes, which totaled entire kilograms of silver and gold, used to be the property of rulers or high-ranking dynasts. Although we cannot be sure of the cultural reason for burying any of these treasures, it is safe to assume they were not hidden for fear of some clear and present danger.

The symbols of power. We know from archaeological findings that certain items were used by Thracians to show one’s social, military and political rank. Such was the ceremonial gear, chariots and horse harnesses, as well as ceremonial tableware, and figurative scenes and the motives on them. Almost all of the items in question are made of gold, silver or gilded silver, which is an important aspect because it not only demonstrates the sizeable resources that the owners had at their disposal, but also that these metals had a sacred meaning according to the mythological and religious beliefs of the aristocracy. Helmets, cnemids, clothing accessories and adornments with rich figurative motives (only two of which will be included in the discussion, given their special meaning) make up the ceremonial gear, while goblets and rhytons, phials, deep bowls and, less frequently, other types of recipients, are the composition of the ceremonial tableware. The gold and silver appliqués did indeed play a decorative role, but the symbols present on their figurative representations point to their aim of increasing the horse’s power in order for the aristocrat to get to the target.

Images and gestures. Thorough examinations of the numerous representations on Getae toreutics – and on Thracian toreutics, in general – show the existence of characteristic scenes and motives. We will try to see what they stand for.

Several basilei emerged in the Getae world, mostly the one of the 4 th

century BC, and they brought along an ideology that needed to put the spotlight on their heroic and divine origin. Since writing was anything but widespread in

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those times, the ideology had to turn to iconography. Here are, in short, several images and scenes specific to the Getae aristocracy.

The rider and the sacred hunt. Lance in hand, ready to strike, sometimes in armor, the rider is moving from left to right. This is the scene most frequently found on items from the Getae region – and the Thracian one, in general. There are several important observations that need to be made: we have no knowledge, in toreutics, of a scene portraying confrontation between humans, of an item that bears, in inscription, the name of a deity, or of a rider with a helmet or shield. This most likely means we are looking at hunting scenes, one of the favorite activities of the aristocracy, not to mention it was also a courage test that the rulers had to perform on a regular basis.

Some ceremonial items are displaying throned male or female characters, e.g. cnemid no. 1 in Agighiol or the Băiceni helmet. Given the vessel in Borovo or the rhyton in Poroina, we can say such scenes also appear on drink ware. There is little doubt as to the character’s high rank, since he or she is on the throne, a most clear symbol of authority, and the unicorn bird, the rhyton and the phial held in hand have a clearly sacred meaning.

Throwing the spear/lance. The spear or lance is the weapon most frequently shown in the hands of riders in the iconography or found in tumular tombs. As previously mentioned, there is no scene of a human attacking another human, which means the spear or lance is never used to strike another person. That is why we believe some of these scenes show the dynast proving his skills prior to the investiture.

Parading the bow. The bow is never actually used to fire an arrow – neither against an animal, nor a warrior, but always just held in hand, exhibited, or near the character. These scenes include more symbols of power (rhyton, throne), which makes them solemn scenes that are about high-ranking characters, possibly dynasts (if they are male) and goddesses (if they are females).

We know of the unicorn bird-fish-hare scene from the helmets in Peretu (currently at the Detroit Institute of Art) and the goblets from Agighiol and Rogozen and the one at the New York Metropolitan Museum. Most likely, the bird stands for air, the fish for water and the hare for earth, namely for the dynast’s rule over all the realms of his kingdom.

Sacrifices. The nape guard of the helmet from Poiana-Coţofeneşti is displaying, on two levels, anthropomorphic demons and fantastic creatures holding the foot of a mammal in their mouth, while the cheek-piece is host to a character with a shield, who is sacrificing a ram with a dagger. Sacrifices are meant to strengthen the divine connections and diminish tensions in the community, which indicates the ram could be sacrificed to drive out chaos and terror and bring back balance in the society.

Libation. There are Getae toreutics items displaying male or, more rarely, female characters holding rhytons, bowls or horns in hand - the vessel in Borovo, the rhyton in Poroina, an appliqué in Letnica, the helmet in Băiceni, and cnemid no. 2 in Agighiol. These are sacred characters, given the meaning of these vessels in the Thracian world, the throne and the overall solemn feeling of the scenes.

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Apotropaic eyes. All of the five gold and silver Getae helmets have “apotropaic eyes” on them. Despite the impassioned dispute as to the meaning of this motive, some consensus has emerged that these eyes served their bearer in both the world of the living – by indicating his power to see, and implicitly, control all – and of the dead – by showing him the way to the “afterworld”.

Hierogamy. Letnica is the site of an appliqué with an unusual scene on it, namely a man and a woman in an erotic position, with another female character on her feet (with a tree branch and mug in hand), assisting them. This could be the union between a goddess and the ruler, which could be meant not just to drive home the idea of the divine origin of the royalty, but also to secure prosperity and authority for the entire kingdom.

Discussion. As have already stated, the male rider or the throned character is the most frequent motive in Thracian toreutics, from any type of complexes (tombs or treasures) or items. We would also like to stress again that Thracian toreutics does not include any known scene of a human confrontation, nor does it have any inscription of some kind of Thracian god. Also, the characters are shown in one of the following situations: hunting and, not so often, performing sacrifices, in investiture scenes or solemn positions, holding vessels (rhytons, horns, phials) or weapons (lance, bow) in hand. There are also scenes with female characters in more than one situation, such as throned or winged (e.g. the Rogozen mugs). These could be female goddesses passing on signs of power to, or protecting, the dynasts.

Given the significant resources that went to making toreutics items, namely kilograms of gold and silver, there is not doubt as to who they were meant for, namely the elites, which means the iconography was also “targeted” for the elites, for their ideology.

The aristocracy must have had a desire for this sort of art, a need to address a society that was overwhelmingly illiterate. Images were not just decorative, but were the communication medium, hence the emergence and progress of the outstanding Thracian toreutics between 5th and 3rd centuries BC.

This art was also meant to communicate, but that does not mean anyone could “read” it. One needed to be initiated in the “codes” to fully understand what the decorative scenes and the composition were transmitting.

Therefore, since we cannot know for sure how these scenes were “read” (what was the internal logic of certain hagiographies, myths and legends), or even how the “audience” would be introduced to these items, we are in the position of someone watching a movie in a foreign, unknown language, and with the scenes mixed up.

What were the Getae elites? we asked at the beginning. The jury is still out on the details, because they are open to speculations. However, based on the “archaeological footprint” (from certain items and the iconography), the overall verdict is clear: the Getae elites existed. The lay elite was most likely made up by bands warriors, on top of which was the high-ranking aristocracy, them came the court aristocracy, and at the top we find the ruler.

Obviously, the Getae society – and the Thracian one, in general – were not strangers when it came to the “institution of the gift”.

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Made possible by the control of the Getae aristocracy over vast riches, a “proprietary” ideology emerged in this part of the world. If there are any doubts as to its uniqueness, one need only look at the characteristic decorative compositions, such as the apotropaic eyes, the throned characters, the “animal procession” or the horned bird – on harness appliqués, goblets, rhytons, cnemids and helmets. The Getae aristocracy clearly had a desire to make visible their ethnic and social-political individuality, and they managed to do that via these items and scenes. Also, the aristocracy had extensive relations and gift exchanges with its Odryssian or Triballi counterpart.

More than one key issue – the hierarchical structure, the size of the kingdoms under these rulers, their foreign relations and more - are purely a matter of speculation for lack of written sources.

An important questions regards the existence of a religious elite – was there one? We know from Herodotus (IV, 93-95) that the Getae world had an advanced polytheist and anthropomorphic religion, with complex rites. Having this sort of religion, but no “specialists”, is not possible. Some must have dedicated themselves to the practices and doctrine of the cult. We also have some data on this from several iconographic scenes –a sacrificed ram (the Poiana-Coţofeneşti helmet), the male and female characters with horns, bowls and rhytons in hand possibly performing libations (the Agighiol and Malomirovo cnemids, the Letnica appliqué, the Băiceni helmet, the Poroina rhyton or the Borovo container).

What about the roles of the basilei and the priests in performing sacred acts, what was their relation in this case, did they complement each other in some way? Putting aside the Poroina rhyton and the female character on it, we seem to be dealing with basilei exclusively, since the characters are wearing armor or are riding. However, there is enough reason to assume the existence of something similar to priories of priests.

We have talked plenty of uncertainties and the lack of clear sources. In the end, however, we can safely say that the Getae world had both a lay and a religious aristocracy.

Translated by Mihai Sîrbu

ONCE MORE ABOUT THE TEMENOS OF APOLLO IETROS IN APOLLONIA PONTICA.

ATTEMPT AT RECONSIDERATION

LYUBAVA KONOVA

Abstract

The article deals with several problems related to the enigmatic Apollo-temenos in Apollonia Pontica. Even after of the intensive archaeological research accomplished on the territory of the contemporary town of Sozopol

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during the last decades, the picture of the existing temenoi or temple-buildings remains still obscure.

Because of the scanty written records, the authors’ attention was focused on two key-sources – the Strabo’s excerpt (Strab. 7, 6, 1) and the well-preserved lapidary decree of the Histrian nauarch Hegesagoras (IGBulg I, N 388 bis). The hypotheses are grouped into two general directions arguing either for the city or for the island locality of the temenos. However, the analysis of the epigraphic and numismatic documents, the results of the recently conducted archaeological excavation – even tough they are very briefly reported, and the attempt to view the question in a more general perspective of some sacred spaces in Hellas and in other poleis along the northern and western Black sea coasts, give certain grounds to re-consider the problem.

The new hypothesis discusses the possibility of the existence of two Apollo temenoi - one of them denoted as “hieron tou Apollonous tou Iatrou" which has been situated probably within the city boundaries, whereas the other could have coincided with the place, were the famous colossus by Calamis was exhibited. If the testimony of its dimensions are reliable, such a creation was most probably intended to stay on an island, for instance on that one where the contemporary lighthouse is located.

In conclusion I have got to specify that all arguments will be a matter of dispute as long as new archeological materials studied in a clear context will be uncovered.

THE FORTIFIED TOWN AND THE CITY BRAILA IN FOREIGN TRAVELLERS WRITINGS (THE XVIIIth CENTURY)

IONEL CÂNDEAAbstract

During the XVIIIth century, Braila was the most disputed town between Turkey, Rusia and Austria. The foreign travellers’ writings created a complete image about the fortified town, the settlement and the every day life in its different aspects (especially the confessional one).

It has been trying the identification of the spy who provided informations for the Johann von Vermatti’s plan realised in 1790.

THE EARLY IRON AGE SETTLEMENT FROM ŢIBRINU „LA LAC” (MIRCEA VODĂ, CONSTANŢA COUNTY)

SORIN – CRISTIAN AILINCĂI,CĂTĂLIN DOBRINESCU

Abstract

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On 24th – 30th of September 2003, surface investigations were made on the shore of Tibrinu Lake. These investigations resulted in discovering various pottery fragments characteristic for the Babadag culture, the Getic culture (4th -3rd century B.C.), the Roman-Byzantine period and early medieval period (9th-11th century BC). In order to verify the existence of a settlement, two sondages were drilled: H1 (1x4m) and H2 (1x4m), situated at 50m and respectively 300m from the shore, in a large bay, on the southern shore of the lake.

The purpose of this article is to analyze the material attributed to the First Iron Age. Most of the fragments were discovered on the shore of the artificial lake Tibrinu that covered the Babadag type settlement, as the currents of the lake bring to the shore impressive amounts of pottery. In 2002, the Museum of National History and Archeology from Constanţa acquired a large lot of artifacts from Ţibrinu Lake.

Typologically, there can be identified various shapes that are often encountered in the Babadag type settlements (fig. 1), as follows: 1. Amphorae, represented by numerous black, polished fragments, which, unfortunately, are mostly atypical (fig. 2/ 6; 3/1-19). It was possible to make whole again only two such vessels (fig. 2/1, 4). A less common variant of this type is represented by a fragment from the upper part of a vessel of medium size (fig. 2/ 7, 9-10), with height possibly approximately equal with the maximum median diameter, and with an ample opening of the mouth. 2. Mugs - are the least represented type of vessel in most of the Babadag culture settlements. There has been established only one fragment certainly belonging to a mug, which was discovered on the shore of Ţibrinu Lake and is decorated with a line of incised dots (fig. 2/ 5), and another fragment, almost certainly belonging to a mug, with a conical prominence in the area of the maximum diameter, beneath a strip of parallel horizontal lines (fig. 2/ 8). 3. Cups - are represented by whole samples and suggestive fragments (fig. 3/20; 4/ 1-13; 5/ 1-12). These vessels are made of a fine, well burnt paste and have just one ear that is elevated above the rim of the vessel (we are cautious regarding the samples reconstructed graphically). On the whole, we can establish various types of cups. 4. Pixydes - are represented by a lid made of coarse unevenly burnt paste (5/ 14). 5. Deep bowls - are represented by only one fragment indicating a large size flat pot, with two diametrically opposed conical prominences in the maximum diameter area (fig. 2/3). 6. Bowls - are the most common type of vessel (fig.6, 7, 8, 9). 7. Coarsed ware - are also very well represented by numerous fragments. These vessels have tronconic and bi-tronconic shape and are made of a coarse, porous, unevenly burnt paste (fig. 10, 11).

Along with the above mentioned fragments, there were discovered other clay objects that can also be attributed to the First Iron Age: 1. Weights are represented by a relatively great number of forms (12/5-18). 2. Clay stamps. During the surface investigations on the southern shore of the Tibrinu Lake there were discovered three small instruments (one whole and two in fragments) used for decorating pottery by impressions (fig. 12/2-4). 3. Anthropomorphous statuette (?) Among the discovered objects there was also found a clay object with three tubular prominences placed on a flat basis (fig. 12/1).

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As I have mentioned above, the archaeological material, though found in great quantities on the shore of the Ţibrinu Lake, lacks archaeological context, and an objective dating could be done only by comparing it with situations from other Babadag culture settlements, especially those in the south western Dobrudja.

The dividing in periods of the Babdag culture was made based on the stratigraphical observations from the eponymous settlement, the basic criteria being the stylistic characteristics of the pottery and establishing analogies between other cultural environments. Thus, based on the stratigraphy of the eponymous settlement, there were established three phases of evolution.

In south western Dobruja there were identified more settlements attributed to the Babadag culture along its entire evolution. Regarding the chronological dating of the settlement at Ţibrinu Lake, we must note the presence of numerous pottery fragments wuth stamped patterns, which represents a clue for dating this settlement in phase two of Babdag culture. An additional argument regarding this dating is the presence of the three instruments used for decorating the pottery through impression. The types of pottery found at Ţibrinu Lake also have analogies in the settlements dated in phase two of Babdag culture (10th - 9th century BC).

TURTLE SHELL ITEMS DISCOVERED AT SILISTEA,BRAILA COUNTY

VIOREL STOIAN

Abstract

In the archaeological researches made in July 2005 at Silistea, Braila County, were discovered five turtle shell pieces. The discovery place is situated in the north of Campia Brailei, in the bottom land of Buzau river, on a triangular hill with 120 metre long, 80 metre base and 10-12 metre altitude. The hill surface was forceful affected by the ditches made in The First World War and all research campaigns among 1981-2005 brought to the discovery of a lot of dwellings, huts, pits and fireplaces dated in Babadag I-II culture.

The turtle shell pieces were discovered in the archaeological layers and pits along with clay vessels fragments and other inventory objects dated in Babadag culture, phase I. One of the pieces was found in a pit which contains ash, burned slake clay and animal bones. This pit could be the remains deposit of a magic or religious ceremonial.

Watching for published analogies to these pieces I found that they are unique, but we can find in whole human history a lot of zoomorphic statutes and representations with turtles.

Beginning from the turtle symbol we can consider these pieces are linked to a belief which refers to protection and close by home.

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Translated by Viorel Stoian

TOMBES GÉTO-DACES DÉCOUVERTES DANS LEDÉPARTEMENT DE CĂLĂRAŞI

DONE ŞERBĂNESCU

Résumé

Pendant les dernières décennies du dernier millénaire, dans les collections du Musée de la Civilisation de Gumelniţa-Olteniţa sont entrées plusieurs découvertes funéraires appartenant à la civilisation des Géto-Daces. Ces découvertes sont autant fortuites que le résultat des fouilles de sauvetage de Chirnogi, sur la haute terrasse du Danube, tout près de deux établissements géto-daces des IIe-Ier siècles av. J.-C. Pendant les travaux agricoles de Mânăstirea on a découvert une tombe plane d'incinération en urne. L'urne était représentée par une amphore thassienne de la deuxième moitié du IVe siècle - la première moitié du IIIe siècle av. J.-C. Dans une autre tombe d'incinération découverte fortuitement à Spanţov comme urne funéraire a été utilisée une amphore d'Héraklée du Pont, datant du point de vue typologique de la même époque. Ces deux tombes planes d'incinération ont appartenu, probablement, à la population libre et il est possible qu'elles fassent partie d'une nécropole. En même temps elles reflètent les liaisons commerciales des Gètes avec le monde hellénistique.

Une nécropole de la même période, de Olteniţa, le lieu dit «Valea Mare», a été détruite pendant les années 1988-1989 par les constructeurs du Canal Danube-Bucarest. Les pièces récupérées par les constructeurs sont un miroir gréco-scythique en bronze décoré sur les bords, une tasse de petites dimensions et une pointe de lance à nervure médiane en fer du IVe siècle av. J.-C. D'autres découvertes funéraires ont été faites à Chirnogi, sur la haute terrasse du Danube, entre ce village-ci et Căscioarele, tout près de plusieurs établissements géto-daces.

Pendant des recherches de surface, près de «Şuviţa Iorgulescu» on a découvert une tombe plane d'incinération en urne, datant du IIe siècle av. J.-C. Et non loin de cet endroit, pendant des travaux de terrassement, on a découvert plusieurs vases entiers qui proviennent, probablement, d'une nécropole gète d'incinération des IVe - IIIe siècles av. J.-C., qui malheureusement n'a pas pu être identifiée. Les années 1988-1989, pendant des fouilles archéologiques de sauvetage sur «Terasa Rudarilor», non loin de l'établissement géto-dace fouillé par George Trohani en 1971-1972, on a découvert six tombes planes d'incinération en fosse, ayant des pièces comme mobilier. D'après la

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composition de cet inventaire deux tombes ont appartenu à des guerriers, probablement des mercenaires, et quatre autres tombes d'incinération, ayant comme offrande une tasse en terre cuite, ont appartenu à des membres de la communauté locale. Une autre tombe d'incinération en urne a été découverte à Greaca, le lieu dit «Ristache». Si les sépultures des IVe-IIIe siècles av. J.-C. découvertes à Mânăstirea, Spanţov, Olteniţa et Chirnogi ne relèvent pas de grands problèmes, s'intégrant dans les rites et les rituels funéraires pratiqués par la plus grande partie de la population locale, qui utilisait à peu près en exclusivité l'incinération, les autres tombes datés d'après le rite, le rituel et l'inventaire funéraire pendant les IIe - Ier siècles av. J.-C. méritent une attention à part en raison de leur rareté. Tous ceux qui se sont occupé des rituels funéraires pratiqués par les Géto-Daces sont en unanimité d'accord que, depuis le IIe siècle av. J.-C. et pendant les deux siècles suivants ont eu lieu de profonds changements dans les habitudes funéraires - les nécropoles disparaissent et les tombes de la majorité de la population ne peuvent plus être dépistées. Font exception seulement quelques endroits périphériques. Une de ces zones se trouve au sud-ouest de la Roumanie et au sud du Danube, dans le nord-ouest de la Bulgarie, où l’on connaît des tombes planes d'incinération appartenant au groupe Padea - Panaghiurski - Kolonii et qui sont attribuées à des guerriers, ayant comme mobilier funéraire de l'armement défensif ou offensif. La période de manifestation de ce groupe est comprise entre ±150 - ± 50 av. J.-C.

Le rite et les rituels funéraires pratiqués et les pièces d'inventaire découvertes dans les six sépultures découvertes à Chirnogi ont des ressemblances avec les complexes funéraires de l'aire du groupe Padea - Panaghiurskii Kolonii. Dans deux des six tombes d'incinération on a découvert des objets de mobilier qui ont appartenu à des guerriers, comme sont le casque et les pièces de harnachement. D'après le fait que les tombes se trouvent tout près des établissements géto-daces qui ont évolué pendant la même période, elles ne peuvent appartenir qu’aux membres des collectivités respectives. Les autres quatre tombes d'incinération en fosse, planes, dans lesquelles on a déposé rituellement une tasse de petites dimensions, nous les mettons en liaison avecles membres des communautés gètes locales qui ont été influencé par les habitudes funéraires pratiquées par les guerriers du groupe Padea - Panaghiurski Kolonii.La même influence est constatée aussi dans la cas des tombes tumulaires qui appartiennent à des aristocrates guerriers, comme sont les tombes tumulaires deRadovanu et Popeşti. Les deux autres tombes d'incinération en urne, qui datent de cette période, découvertes à Chirnogi et à Greaca, trouvent des analogies dans les cinq découvertes funéraires de Zimnicea, appartenant avec certitude à la deuxième moitie du IIe siècle av. J.-C. Mais, vu le nombre petit des sépultures d'incinération en fosse découvertes jusqu'à présent en Valachie, nous supposons que pendant les IIe - Ier siècles av. J.-C., à part les habitudes funéraires documentées par les découvertes de Chirnogi – «Terasa Rudarilo»", Chirnogi – «Şuviţa Iorgulescu» et Greaca, le leiu dit «Ristache» on utilisait en même temps d'autres habitudes de traitement des restes funéraires d'incinération des défunts – comme par exemple l'exposition

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suivie par la décomposition, les tombes collectives ou le dépôt des restes cinéraires dans des lieux cachés, des marécages, lacs, ruisseaux etc.

UNE TOMBE SARMATIQUE D’ENFANT TROUVÉE À VLĂDENI-POPINA BLAGODEASCA (DÉP. DE IALOMITZA)

VALERIU SÎRBUEMILIA CORBU

Résumé

On y présente une tombe d’inhumation d’un enfant, âgé d’un an et demi-deux ans, tombe qui avait pour mobilier un vase céramique fait à la main, caractéristique aux Sarmates; la tombe se date aux IIe – IIIe siècles apr. J.-C.

ANALYSE ANTHROPOLOGIQUE D’UNE TOMBE SARMATIQUE DE VLĂDENI-POPINA BLAGODEASCA (DÉP. DE IALOMITZA)

NICOLAE MIRIŢOIU

Résumé

On y présente l’analyse anthropologique du squelette d’un enfant, au sexe indéterminable, âgé d’un an et demi-deux ans, appartenant aux Sarmates. La tombe se date aux IIe – IIIe siècles apr. J.-C. L’enfant souffrait d’anémie. L’on a constaté une déformation du crâne (du type tabulaire) provoquée à l’aide d’un baquet ou d’un berceau.

THE FIRST GRAPHIC PORTRAYAL OF LAURENCIUS COMES DE LONGO CAMPO’S TOMBSTONE

DRAGOŞ MĂNDESCU

Abstract

The author edits a drawing plate showing a graphic portrayal of Laurencius Comes de Longo Campo’s tombstone from the St. James the Great

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Church in Câmpulung Muscel. The draw was found in the Bucharest City History Museum storage, belonging to Dimitrie C. Butculescu’s archive. This is the first preserved image of the famous tombstone, made by Butculescu himself during the archaeological exploration at Câmpulung, in the autumn of 1876 year.

GREAT HIGH OFFICIALS AND GREEK MERCHANTS IN WALLACHIA IN THE LATE 16th CENTURY

CLAUDIU NEAGOE

Abstract

In the 14th and 15th centuries the Greek influence in Wallachia was obvious either by the connections with the Patriarchate in Constantinople or by the political and commercial ones with Byzantium. After the fall of Constantinople in 1453 under Ottoman dominion, the Greek influence could be seen by means of Serbian and Greek scholars, clergymen and nobility’s as refugees at the Court of Wallachia.

The amount of south-Danube and especially Greek elements was to increase in the late of the 16th century when the Romanian Principalities became subject to the Ottoman Empire, first during the reign of Mircea Ciobanul and of his heir, Peter, later under the rule of Alexander II Mircea and of his son, Mihnea II the Renegade. This so called Country Greek had high official responsibilities in the administrative department of the country, acquired wide landed property either by prince donation and by purchase, or by being closely related to the local boyars. On of them was Mihalcea Caragea, who had the highest position in the country and had owned the largest real estates. As a great leader, a warrior and a perfect diplomat, he was a loyal subject to Peter Cercel (1583-1585) and later to his brother in law, Michael the Brave (1593-1601). By the end of the 16 th

century Wallachia had almost been overwhelmed by Greek both politically and socially, as well as economically and commercially, situation which brought about tough reactions of the local nobility.

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