MIHAELA_IONITA_NICULESCU
Transcript of MIHAELA_IONITA_NICULESCU
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NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI OM AL
RENATERII
Profesor asociat Mihaela IONI-NICULESCU
- Universitatea Constantin Brncui dinTrgu Jiu
RezumatRenaterea ca fundal istoric i cultural
explic apariia ideii de stat modern, prin NiccoloMachiavelli i ntemeierea unei noi tiine, politica,
guvernat de alte legi dect cele specifice simplei
conduite umane. Fondator al realismului politic i filosofal istoriei, Machiavelli este el nsui om al Renaterii cai Michelangelo, Dante, Guicciardini, Lorenzo de Medicii Galileo Galilei, prin opera sa teoretici experienapolitic n care se regsesc trsturile umanismului
florentin. Realismul politic denumit de P. Manenti A.Gorun fecunditatea rului a reprezentat descriereafaptelor aa cum sunt ele n realitate i nu cum ar trebuis fie, recunoaterea i acceptarea rului ca elementfiresc al naturii umane, cultivarea sa n viaa politicpentru instituirea binelui ca finalitate n guvernareastatului. Astfel, fiinarea i susinerea binelui prin ru adeterminat, n viziunea lui Machiavelli, separarea
politicii de moral.Fr a rezolva problema puterii i a
legitimrii ei, Machiavelli este adeptul statului nou,separat de biseric i n acelai timp eliberat deconcepia medieval tributar ereditii ca legitimare aexercitrii puterii. Dezideratul su, aa cum rezult dincapitolul XXVI al Principelui, l-a reprezentat crearea
monarhiei naionale italiene. De asemenea nu poate fiomis pendularea filosofului ntre tradiiile republicanei statul monarhic, grija sa pentru ca poporul s nu fieoprimat, pornind de la ideea c niciuna dintre cele douforme de guvernare nu poate fi considerat bun sau rean toate timpurilei mprejurrile.
Termeni cheie: Renatere, imperativ necesar,realism politic, desacralizare, Republic, Principat.
1. IntroducereCa i Renaterea, gndirea lui
Machiavelli reflectat n ntreaga sa operatrage i fascineaz prin realismul idiversitatea abordrii problematicii umane ntoat complexitatea sa, prin proiectarea unornoi utopii n ncercarea de renunare la miturile
medievale i de rezolvare a neajunsurilor vieii
NICCOL MACHIAVELLI A MAN OF
RENAISSANCE
Mihaela IONITA - NICULESCU"Constantin Brncusi University" of Trgu
Jiu
Abstract
The Renaissance, as historical backgroundand cultural revival, explains the emergence of the ideaof a modern state by Niccolo Machiavelli and theestablishment of a new science, policy, governed by
specific laws, other than the simple human behavior.Founder of political realism and philosopher ofhistory, Machiavelli is himself a man of theRenaissance like Michelangelo, Dante, Guicciardini,Lorenzo de Medici and Galileo Galilei, through hiswork in theoretical and political experience, wherecould be found out the features of the Florentinehumanism. The political realism named by P. Manentand A. Gorun "fecundity of evil" was the descriptionof the facts as they really are and not as they should be,the recognition and acceptance of evil as a naturalelement of human nature, its growing in political lifefor the sake of establishing the good, as a purpose in
governing the state. Thus, the existence and support ofthe good through evil determined, in Machiavelli'sview, the separation of policy from morality.
Without solving the problem of power and itslegitimacy, Machiavelli advocates new state, separatedfrom the church and at the same time liberated fromthe medieval conception dependent of heredity, aslegitimacy of exercising the power. His desire, asreflected in Chapter XXVI of the Prince, was thecreation of the Italian national monarchy. It alsocannot be omitted the philosopher swinging betweenthe republics and the monarchical traditions, his carefor not oppressing the people, starting from the idea
that neither of the two forms of government can beconsidered good or bad in all times and circumstances.
Key terms: Renaissance, necessary imperative,political realism, desacralization, Republic, thePrincipality.
1. IntroductionLike the Renaissance, Machiavelli's
thinking reflected in all his work attracts andfascinates thank to the realism and tacklehuman diversity in all its complexity,
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individului i a popoarelor. Dac se poate vorbide o anumit originalitate n abordarea acesteiteme, ea const n tratarea interdisciplinar, din
perspectiva istoriei, filosofiei, tiinelor politice
a momentului Machiavelli raportat la ntreagaperioad a Renaterii. n acest sens, alturi delucrri consacrate din domeniul filosofiei itiinelor politice elaborate de A. Gorun, P.Manent, A. Marga i E. Cassirer, extrem deutile au fost operele istoricilor Renateriiaparinnd unor curente istoriografice diferite:J. Burckhardt, F. Braudel, J. Delumeau i E.Garin.
2. Renaterea. O nou viziune
asupra lumiiDefinit de Jacob Burckhardt lasfritul secolului al XIX lea ca fenomen
preponderent cultural specific Italiei ntresecolele XIV-XVI, sau ca perioad istoric
privit n ansamblu, de ctre Jules Michelet,Renaterea continu s fie terenul unor viidispute n ceea ce privete originile, limitelecronologice, coninuturile i caracteristicilesale, conceptul nsui. n ncercarea declarificare a raportului dintre Renaterea
secolelor XIV-XVI i Evul Mediu: dac ntreele exist o ruptur evident sau o continuitatede substan sau dac hotarele cronologice suntsuficient de delimitate, istorici ca J. Huizinga iJ. Delumeau au argumentat n operele lorlegtura direct ntre fenomenele de natureconomic, social i politic, contrarconcepiei tradiionale despre antinomiaarbitrar, fr temei, a celor dou segmenteconexe ale timpului istoric.
Sugestiv n acest sens este afirmaialui Jean Delumeau, reprezentant al Noii Istorii:Dac s-ar putea nltura din crile de istoriecei doi termini solidari, i solidari inexaci: EvMediu i Renatere, nelegerea perioadei carese ntinde de la Filip cel Frumos i Henric alIV-lea ne-ar fi uurat. Dintr-un singur condeis-ar lsa deoparte o serie ntreag de
prejudeci. Am scpa, n primul rnd, deconvingerea c o ruptur brutal a desprit ovreme a ntunericului de o alta a luminii1.
Dei termenul de Renatere a fost creat n
designing new utopias in an attempt toabandon the medieval myths and resolve theshortcomings of the individual life and
peoples. If one can speak of certain
originality in tackling this issue, it isinterdisciplinary treatment in terms of history,philosophy, political science of Machiavelli'stime reported to the whole period of theRenaissance. In this respect, besides theworks belonging to different historiographicalcurrent: J. Burckhardt, F. Braudel, J.Delumeau and E. Garin, the works devoted tothe field of philosophy and political sciencedeveloped by A. Gorun, P. Manent, A. Margaand E. Cassirer, were extremely useful to the
historians of the Renaissance.
2. Renaissance. A new world viewDefined by Jacob Burckhardt in the
late nineteenth century as a specific culturalphenomenon, mainly from Italy XIV-XVIcenturies, or historical period as a whole, byJules Michelet, the Renaissance is still aliving land of disputes regarding its origins,chronological limits, contents andcharacteristics and the concept itself. In an
attempt to clarify the relationship betweenXIV-XVI century about Renaissance andMiddle Ages: wether between them there is aclear break or a continuity of substance, orchronological boundaries are sufficientlydefined, historians as J. Huizinga and J.Delumeau argued in works their direct link
between the phenomena of economic, socialand political activities contrary to thetraditional conception about groundless,arbitrary antinomy, of the two relatedsegments of historical time.Suggestive in this regard is the statement ofJean Delumeau, representative of the newhistory: "If you could remove from thehistory books two complete inaccuratesolidarities: Middle Ages and theRenaissance - the understanding of the
period extending from Philip the Handsomeand Henry IV would be relieved to us. From asingle writer they would leave out a whole
range of prejudices. We escape, first, from
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secolul al XIX-lea, erudiii epocii au trit cuconvingerea c timpul lor era o er nou, la felde diferit de trecutul medieval precum acestafusese fa de Antichitatea clasic.
Revivere (a retri) i Reviviscere (areveni la via) sunt cuvinte omniprezente noperele epocii2. Asemenea tuturor imaginilordespre sine, cea a erudiilor i a artitilorRenaterii a fost revelatoare i n acelai timpneltoare. Ei datoreaz foarte mult EvuluiMediu, chiar nfierat pe nedrept, subestimat catrecut apropiat n favoarea antichitii, ca trecutndeprtat supraestimat. Relatarea regenerriilor era un mit, n sensul c reprezenta oexpunere neltoare a trecutului: fie c era un
vis sau mplinirea unei dorine, fie c era oreconstituire sau o reprezentare a mitului antical eternei rentoarceri3. Astfel, Erasmus ideclara Papei Leon al X-lea c epoca noastrfgduiete a fi o vrst de aur, datoriterudiiei i a pietii, n timp ce Giorgio Vasarii organiza Vieile artitilor n jurul uneiregenerri a artelor n trei stadii: de lanceputuri, Giotto, i pn n punctulculminant, reprezentat de Leonardo, Rafael imai presus de toi, propriul su maestru
Michelangelo4.Ceea ce renate, se reafirm i se
glorific nu este n primul rnd lumea valorilorclasice, greco-romane, fa de care exist ontoarcere programatic, Renaterea reprezint,nc de la nceput i nainte de toate, o rennoitafirmare a omului, a valorilor umane, ndomenii multiple, de la arte, tiine, filosofie laviaa civil5. n consecin omul este msuratuturor lucrurilor, aa cum afirmase nantichitatea greac Protagoras.
Individualismul i modernitateantregesc, n opera lui J. Burckhardt, conceptulde Renatere: n Evul Mediu, contiinauman se afla n stare de reverie sau pe
jumtate treaz, sub un vl comun. Omul eracontient de sine nsui doar n calitate demembru al unei rase, al unui popor, al unui
partid, al unei familii sau al unei noi corporaiidoar prin intermediul vreunei categoriigenerale. n Italia Renaterii ns acest vl s-a
topit pentru prima dat n aer Omul a devenit
the belief that an abrupt break separated atime of darkness to a light another1. Althoughthe term Renaissance was created in thenineteenth century, scholars believe that time
was a new era, "as distinct from medievaltimes as it was to classical antiquity.Revivere (to revive) and Reviviscere
(return to life) are ubiquitous words in theworks of this period1. Like all self image, thatof Renaissance scholars and artists was bothrevealing and misleading. They are in debt alot to the Middle Ages, even branded unjustlyto be underestimated as a recent past in favorof antiquity, the distant overestimated past.Their regeneration story was a myth in the
sense that it was a misleading statement ofthe past: whether it was a dream or fulfillinga desire, whether it was a reconstitution or arepresentation of the ancient myth of "eternalreturn"1. Thus, Erasmus stated to the PopeLeon X that "our time promises to be agolden age" because erudition and piety,while Giorgio Vasari organized his "Lives ofthe Artists' about a regeneration of art in threestages: from the beginning, Giotto, and by theclimax represented by Leonardo, Raphael
and, above all, his own master -Michelangelo1.
What was reborn, reaffirmed andglorified is not at first the values of classicalGreco-Roman world, against which there is areturn to the programmatic; the Renaissanceis, from the beginning and above all, arenewed affirmation of human values, humanmultiple fields, from arts, science, philosophyto civilian life1. Therefore "man is themeasure of all things" as stated in the ancientGreek Protagoras.
Individualism and modernitycomplete in the work of J. Burkhart theconcept of Renaissance: "in the Middle Ages,human consciousness was in a state ofdreaming or half awake, in a common veil.The man was conscious of himself only as amember of a race, a people, a party, a familyor a new corporation, only through anygeneral category. In Renaissance Italy, this
veil first melted into air ... man became a
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un individ spiritual i s-a recunoscut ca atare.Renaterea nseamn modernitate, italianulfiind primul nscut printre fiii Europeimoderne6.
Debutul i mplinirea Renaterii nItalia, prin marea rennoire a artei i a ideilor lacare se raporteaz cercettorii acestui fenomen,nu este deloc ntmpltoare. Emancipareafilosofic i politic a italienilor n-ar fi fost
posibil n absena motenirii greco - latine,corelat cu efectele cruciadelor i renatereacetilor italiene, autoguvernate dup moartealui Frederic al II-lea, la jumtatea secolului alXIII-lea7. n ceea ce privete cruciadele,consecinele lor cu totul altele dect cele
scontate: recucerirea teritoriilor sfinte alecretinismului n Asia i contracarareaIslamului, au favorizat strngerea legturilor denatur economic i interferenele culturale nzona Mediteranei Orientale. Ulterior, noileatitudini, forme artistice i direcii ale gndiriifilosofice s-au manifestat n ntreaga Europ,inclusiv n rile Romne pn la nceputulsecolului al XVIII-lea i interferena cuiluminismul.
Florenei i prin extensie ntregii
Toscane, i-a revenit rolul de avangard aumanismului renascentist, ca urmare aorganizrii sale moderne n plan instituional,
puterii economice i nu n ultimul rndmecenatului promovat de familia Medici.William Fleming a grupat ideile dominante aleRenaterii Florentine n jurul a trei concepte:umanismul clasic, realismul tiinific iindividualismul existent deja n secolul al XIII-lea, aflate n interdependen8.
Cu toate criticile i polemicile generatede conceptul de Renatere, ceea ce domin nmod special aceast micare spiritual, estencercarea sincer de a rensuflei o alt culturi de a concilia pgnismul cu valorile cretine.Din aceast admiraie i totodat imitaie aculturii greco - latine, fiecare dintre domeniilecreaiei a realizat prin originalitate, propria samplinire. Termenul Renatere ne trimite n
primul rnd cu gndul la artele vizuale. Pe la1500, printre italienii cunosctori ai artei a
aprut moda colecionrii sculpturilor clasice
spiritual individual, and was recognized assuch. Renaissance means modernity, theItalian being the first born among the childrenof modern Europe1.
The onset and fulfillment of theRenaissance in Italy is the vast renewal of artand ideas to which reported the researchers ofthis phenomenon and is not coincidental.Philosophical and political empowerment ofItalians would have not been possible withoutthe Greek and Latin heritage - correlated withthe effects of the Crusades and the revival ofItalian cities, self governed after the death ofFrederick II, in the middle of the thirteenthcentury1. As regards the Crusades, with all
their consequences, other than thoseexpected: the reconquest of the holy territoryof Christianity in Asia and countering theIslam favored closer links and economic andcultural interference in the EasternMediterranean. Subsequently, new attitudes,artistic forms and directions of philosophicalthought occurred throughout Europe,including Romanian Countries until the earlyeighteenth century and interference withenlightenment.
Tuscany Florence and by extension allTuscany, had the vanguard role ofRenaissance humanism, following itsorganization in modern institutional level,economic power and not least promoted bythe Medici family sponsorship. WilliamFleming grouped the dominant ideas of theRenaissance Florentine around threeconcepts: classical humanism, scientificrealism and individualism already existing inthe XIII century, in interdependence1.
With all the criticism and polemicsgenerated by the concept of the Renaissance,which dominates the spiritual movement in
particular, there is the sincere attempt torevive another culture and to reconcile
paganism with Christian values. From thiscame the admiration and imitation of Greek Latin culture - each made by creativeoriginality, on its own fulfillment. The termRenaissance sent us first to think of visual
arts. By 1500, among the Italians knowing
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de marmur, a inscripiilor, unul dintre cei maientuziati fiind papa IuliusII, cel care afirm, nconsonan cu specificul creaiei luiMichelangelo, c nudul este la fel de
democratic ca i moartea9
.Respingnd goticul, pe care lconsiderau barbar i grotesc, generaii dearhiteci ncepnd cu Brunelleschi, Bramante,Andrea Palladio i Michelangelo, mbinndtradiiile i principiile arhitecturii romane cufuncionalitatea edificiilor i noua viziuneestetic, au repus n valoare bolta i cupola.Geniul arhitectural se va manifesta i n planmilitar, prin adaptarea arhitecturii urbane, a
planului cetii, la noile tipuri de arme i reguli
de desfurare a rzboaielor. n pictur, fr aavea o legtur direct cu antichitatea,evenimentul crucial l-au reprezentatdescoperirea regulilor perspectivei liniare. Cai pictura, sculptura devine art de sinestttoare, depind statutul de elementauxiliar, decorativ al marilor catedrale saulocuine princiare. Prin David i Moise,Michelangelo nu numai c a depit tehnicaartitilor greci, dar a adus n acelai timpexpresia artistic a neoplatonismului la
apogeu10.n noua epoc, au renscut bona
litterae, literele bune, cu alte cuvinte limba,literatura i erudiia. Principala limb
promotoare a genurilor literare specifice vechiiRome: epopeea, oda, pastorala, nu a fostitaliana sau latina medieval considerat
barbar prin vocabular, ortografie, sintax, cilatina clasic11.
Traducerea n latin a operei luiAristotel n jurul anului 1300, urmat demultiplicarea cu ajutorul tiparului, a favorizatsfritul dominaiei intelectuale absolute aBisericii12. La Florena i n toate oraeleToscanei, alturi de adoptarea latineiciceroniene, studiul limbii greceti i preferina
pentru filosofia lui Platon, au pus bazeleneoplatonismului florentin n esenantiscolastic i mai puin anticretin. MarsilioFicino, conductorul Academiei
platoniciene, frecventat de Lorenzo de
Medici, Pico della Mirandola i Michelangelo,
the art of fashion emerged the habit ofcollecting classical marble sculptures,inscriptions, one of the most enthusiastic
being Iulius II Pope, who says, in line with
the specific creation of Michelangelo, that"nude is as democratic as death1.Rejecting the Gothic, which he
considered barbaric and grotesque,generations of architects from Brunelleschi,Bramante, Andrea Palladio, andMichelangelo, combining the traditions and
principles of Roman architecture with thefunctionality of buildings and new aestheticvision, have restored as a value the vault anddome. Architectural genius will continue in
the military, by adapting urban architecture,city plan, new types of weapons and rules ofconducting the war. In the painting, without adirect link with antiquity, they represented acrucial event: the detection rules of linear
perspective. Like painting, sculpture is an artin its own right, beyond the status of auxiliaryelements, decoration of great cathedrals or
princely houses. In "David" and "Moses,Michelangelo not only exceeded the technicalGreek artists, but has both bona litteraire,
good points", ie language, literature andscholarship1.
The home language became thespecific promoter of ancient Rome literarygenres: epic, ode, pastoral, not Italian orMedieval Latin which was considered
barbaric by vocabulary, spelling, syntax, butclassical Latin1.
Latin translation of Aristotle's workaround 1300, followed by multiplication withthe printing press was the favored end ofabsolute intellectual domination of theChurch1. Florence and Tuscany in all cities,with the ciceronian adoption of Latin, Greekand preference for the study of Plato's
philosophy, was founded in the FlorentineNeoplatonism, essentially antiscolastic andless anti-Christian. Marsilio Ficino, the leaderof "Platonic Academy", attended Lorenzo deMedici, Pico della Mirandola, andMichelangelo, Plato called it a "Moses" Attic,
in its comments to the "State" and "laws". To
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l numea pe Platon un Moise atic, ncomentariile sale la Statuli Legile. Lui i s-a datorat ntr-o atmosfer dominat de melanjulmai vechi ntre cretinism i pgnism,
introducerea Sfntului Socrate la litanie ilumnarea aprins la bustul lui Platon. Lorenzode Medici, influenat de Platon, a gsit o nouorientare pentru crmuirea secular n statulmarelui filosof, preferat de ntreaga elitflorentin. n Academia florentin, ca i ntoate cetile Toscanei, umanismul nu mai
poate fi redus la un simplu fenomen literar, caurmare a preamririi voinei, libertii i foreiomului care nfloresc n cetate. VisulAcademiei, dar i al ntregii civilizaii
florentine, se rezum n formula: Oameniliberi ntr-o cetate liber.
Odat cu Renaterea apare nu numaicontientizarea unei crize a ideii de religie, ci ia pierderii valorilor morale. Secolul al XVI-leaastfel nu o dat marcat de teama de moarte ide timp, a dat natere unui nou tip de etic,ntemeiat pe demnitate i persoan. PentruPico della Mirandola, autorul lucrrii Dedignitate hominis, omul nu se natedesvrit, el devine astfel, avndu-l ca model
pe Christos, fcnd dovada mreiei sale. Ideeade etic este astfel circumscris ca o alegeremetodic a Binelui, fie c este vorba de individsau de colectivitate, ca respectare a demnitiiceluilalt i a drepturilor celorlali. EticaRenaterii nu este lipsit de optimism, cu toatec reforma a pus accentul pe pcatul originari
pe rigoarea cretinismului timpuriu, n timp ceraiunea uman se afla n temeiul de a tri. nconsecin, att arta ct i ntreaga gndire nansamblul su nceteaz s mai fie ancillatheologiae. Pornind de la diferenele existententre scrierile religioase i mai ales ainadvertenelor existente ntre versiunileebraic, greaci latin ale Bibliei n secolulal XV-lea, Lorenzo Valla a demonstrat c aa -numita Donaie a lui Constantin, document
prin care mpratul Constantin cel Mare inmna Italia central papei i succesorilor si,nu avea nimic n comun cu promotorulEdictului de la Milano, ci a fost scris cu cteva
secole mai trziu pentru a ntri legitimitatea
him was due in an atmosphere dominated byolder mixture between Christianity and
paganism, the introduction of "Saint"Socrates, where the the candle lit at the bust
of Plato. Lorenzo de Medici, influenced byPlaton, has found a new focus for seculargovernment in the great philosopher, favoritethroughout the elite Florentine. In theFlorentine Academy, and in all cities ofTuscany, humanism can not be reduced to amere literary phenomenon, following theglory will, but to freedom and human labor toflourish in the city. The Dream Academy, butalso the entire civilization Florentine, issummarized in the formula: "free people in a
free city.With the revival of a crisis the people
were not only aware of the idea of religion,but also of the loss of moral values. The XVI-th century gave birth to a new kind of ethics,
based on the dignity and person. For Picodella Mirandola, author of "The Dignehominis" man is born perfect, he became sohaving as model Christ proving hisgreatness. The idea of ethics is socircumscribed to that an orderly selection of
good, whether individual or community, thatrespect the dignity and other rights of others.Renaissance ethics is not without optimism,although the reform has focused on theoriginal sin and the rigor of early Christianity,while human reason is to live under.Consequently, both art and thoughtthroughout the whole ceases to be "ancillaTheologiae. Starting from differences
between religious writings and especially theinconsistencies among the Hebrew, Greekand Latin versions of the "Bible" in thefifteenth century, Lorenzo Valla proved thatthe so called "Donation of Constantine", adocument through the agency of which theEmperor Constantine handed over the centralItaly to the Great Pope and his successors,had nothing in common with the promoter ofEdict of Milan, but was written severalcenturies later to reinforce the legitimacy ofspiritual and temporal pontifical state.
Moreover, in spite of the differences
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spirituali temporal a statului pontifical.De altfel, cu toate diferenele de opinii
ale istoricilor i filosofilor Renaterii, s-aafirmat c Renaterea n sine nu este o revolt
mpotriva lui Dumnezeu i manifestareadorinei de revenire la vechile culte pgne, dectre aceast elit erudit a Italiei sau din afaraei. Afirmaia lui Etienne Gilson Renatereaaa cum ne-a fost descris n-a fost Evul Mediu
plus Omul, ci Evul Mediu minus Dumnezeu itragedia e c, pierznd pe Dumnezeu,Renaterea a pierdut omul nsui, exprimat nUmanismul medieval i Renaterea (1932),trebuie neleas ntr-un sens mai larg, nuanat,
prin prisma tendinelor de a exagera ceea ce
subliniau Jean Delumeau i Eugenio Garin,deosebirile ntre Evul Mediu i Renatere13.
Umanismul din vremea Renaterii nuera n primul rnd nclinat spre religie oritiin; n dorina de a reconcilia formele
pgne cu practicile cretine, de reabilitare afilosofiei lui Platon i de reinterpretare a celeiaristotelice, a manifestat tendina de a nlocuiautoritatea Bisericii i a dogmelor sale cu cea ascriitorilor clasici14. Cunosctori i admiratoriai istoriei romane, prin intermediul lui Titus
Livius, Tacitus sau Polybios, erudiii italieni auelaborat la rndul lor istorii ale trecutului sau
prezentului. Petrarca i scria scrisori lui Cicero,n timp ce Machiavelli se descria pe sineconversnd cu anticii. Istoriile Florenei,Veneiei i a altor state italiene au avut dreptmodel Istoria Romei a lui Titus Livius. Istoria
poporului florentin, scris de Leonardo Brunin prima jumtate a secolului al XV-lea fostsuccedat n secolul urmtor, de Istoria Italieia lui Francesco Guicciardini prima lucrare deacest gen n italian, de operele lui N.Machiavelli Istoriile florentine,Discursurile asupra primei decade a lui TitusLivius.
Dincolo de rigurozitatea elaborriipropriilor opere, de diferenele interpretative ide modul de reflectare a acelui verritaeffetuale, pentru toi aceti autori relatareaistoriei ia natere dintr-o contiin uman
purttoare de sens. Istoria omului este fcut de
oameni i narat de oameni contieni de ei
of opinions of historians and philosophers ofthe Renaissance, it was claimed that theRenaissance itself is not an expression ofrebellion against God and a desire to return to
the old pagan religions, by the elite erudite ofItaly or other countries. Etienne Gilson'sstatement - "Renaissance as we described wasnot the Middle Ages plus man, but MiddleAges minus God and the tragedy is thatlosing God, the Renaissance lost manhimself" expressed in "Medieval andRenaissance Humanism" (1932), must beunderstood in a broader sense, nuanced, interms of tendencies to exaggerate what JeanDelumeau and Eugenio Garin highlighted as
differences between the Middle Ages andRenaissance1.
The Humanism in the Renaissancewas not primarily inclined towards religion orscience, but the desire to reconcile the paganforms of Christian practice, rehabilitation ofPlato's philosophy and interpretation of theAristotelian, the tendency to replace theChurch and dogma with the classic writers1.Connoisseurs and admirers of Roman historythrough his Livy, Tacitus or Polybios, the
Italian scholars have also developed theirhistories of past or present. Petrarca wroteletters to Cicero, while describing himself asMachiavelli making dialogues with theancients. Histories of Florence, Venice andother Italian states were modeled by Livy's
Roman History. History of the Florentinepeople, written by Leonardo Bruni in the firsthalf of the fifteenth century was succeeded inthe next century by the "History of Italy byFrancesco Guicciardini - the first work of thiskind in Italy, the works of N. Machiavelli -"History Florentine" and the Discourses onLivy's first decade.
Beyond the rigorous design of theirown works, and how interpretative reflectionof differences that "verre effetuale" for allthese authors accounts arises from a historyof human conscience bearing effect. Humanhistory is made by men and narrated by
people asserting themselves. At the same
time, reporting the history of Rome is not
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nii. n acelai timp, raportarea la istoriaRomei nu este ntmpltoare, aa acum afirmaPeter Burke, dezinteresat n contextul n care,
pe de o parte, n Italia i n afara ei, are loc o
schimbare radical a conceptelor de stat iputere, pe de alt parte umaniti ca Petrarca iMachiavelli doresc renaterea virtuii desorginte latin. n ceea ce privete modalitateade mplinire a omului, nu a existat un consensn rndurile umanitilor. Leonardo Bruni,cancelar al Republicii florentine, sugera faptulc un om se poate mplini doar ca cetean, ntimp ce Marsilio Ficino prefera, n spiritulneoplatonismului, studiul i contemplarea,Leonardo da Vinci omul universal
mplinirea activ prin creaiile minii. Erasmusi apra libertatea de a studia i de a scrie,refuznd s fie legate de angajamente politice,n timp ce Th. Morus oscila ntre aciune icontemplativitate. ncepnd din secolul al XV-lea, Occidentul trece printr-o criz fr
precedent a cretinismului. Umanismul,Reforma, trecerea de la o lume nchis, launiversul tiinific, ndrzneala spirituluitiinific, toate aceste rupturi i metamorfozedetermin apariia unei viziuni inedite asupra
realului.n perioada Renaterii, din structurile
statului feudal se constituie treptat statul naiune, cu instituii stabile prin intermediulcrora i exercit suveranitatea att ntregraniele sale, ct i n politica extern. ncadrul statului centralizat are loc tendina derevenire la dreptul roman, bazat peuniversalitatea legilor, prin faptul c monarhul
cel puin n principiu, va impune o legecomun pentru toi supuii. Acest fundal istorici cultural explic apariia ideii de Stat modern,
prin N. Machiavelli i ntemeierea unei noitiine, politica, guvernat de alte legi dectcele specifice simplei conduite umane.Fondator al realismului politic i filosof alistoriei, om al cetii nainte de toate,Machiavelli este el nsui om al Renaterii,alturi de Principe, Artist, Bancher, Curtean iCondotier, cu care interfereaz in opera sa saun viaa de zi cu zi a cetii15.
Ceea ce Galilei i Copernic realizeaz
coincidental, says Peter Burke, disinterestedin a context where, on the one hand, in Italyand abroad, has been a shift in the concepts ofstate power, of other humanists like Petrarch
and Machiavelli wanting the revival virtue ofLatin origin.Regarding how to accomplish the fulfillmentof man, there was a consensus amonghumanists. Leonardo Bruni, chancellor of theFlorentine Republic, suggested that a mancan accomplish just as a citizen, while
preferring Marsilio Ficino, Neoplatonism inthe spirit of study and contemplation,Leonardo da Vinci the "universal man"active by fulfillment, by creations of the
mind. Erasmus defends their freedom tostudy and write, refusing to be bound by
political commitments, while Th. Morusoscillate between action and contemplativity.Since the fifteenth century, the West is goingthrough an unprecedented crisis ofChristianity. Humanism, reform, transitionfrom a closed world, the scientific world,daring scientific spirit, these ruptures cause ametamorphosis original vision of reality.
In the Renaissance, the feudal state
structures are built up progressively - thenation, with stable institutions through whichit exercises sovereignty both within its
borders and in foreign policy. The centralstate has tended instead to return to Romanlaw, based on the universality of law, in thatthe monarch - at least in principle, impose acommon law for all subjects. This historicaland cultural background explains theemergence of the idea of a modern state, by
N. Machiavelli and the establishment of anew science, policy, governed by specificlaws other than the simple human behavior.Founder of political realism and philosopherof history, a "city man" above all,Machiavelli is the Renaissance man himself,along with Prince, Artist, Banker, Courtierand Condottiere interfering in his work or inthe daily life of the city1.What made the scientist Galileo andCopernicus, Machiavelli opens by affirming
modern idea of the state.
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n tiin, Machiavelli inaugureaz prinafirmarea ideii moderne de stat.
Importana umanismului renascentist,deschiztor de drumuri n toate domeniile
pentru modernitate, a fost evideniat de ctredAlembert, care prezentnd n 1751Enciclopedia, aducea mulumiri Renateriiitaliene pentru a fi druit umanitii tiinele,artele frumoase i bunul gust, i nenumratemodele de o inegalabil perfeciune16.
3. Realismul politic iimperativul necesar n opera lui NiccoloMachiavelli (1469 -1527 )
Prin vasta sa oper teoretic i prin
experiena politico diplomatic caretranscende spaiul cetii florentine, N.Machiavelli este el nsui om al Renaterii.
Principele (1513), Arta rzboiului,Discursurile, Istoriile florentine, scrisorile irapoartele elaborate n perioada ndelungateisale activiti n serviciul Florenei reprezintadevrate direcii inovatoare n tiina ifilosofia politic, istoria i filosofia istoriei decare specialitii nu pot face abstracie n
prezentul att de diferit de Cinquento.
Supranumit Galilei al politicii, secretarul celeide-a doua Cancelarii i al Consiliului celor 10 atransformat politica dintr-o simpl interpretarei abordare pur teoretic ntr-un domeniuesenial al vieii reale, supus rigurozitii nscopul elaborrii artei de a guverna, a conducei dezvolta statele17. Scopul politiciimachiavelice, ca tiin i art totodat l-areprezentat constituirea cel puin n planteoretic a statului modern, laic, eliberat de subdominaia bisericii i a moralei de facturcretin, a crui existen s se cluzeascdup criteriul raiunii de stat.
n cea ce privete acest concept:raiunea de stat, specialiti consacrai n istoriei n tiinele politice l atribuie unor celebricontemporani ai filosofului florentin dinsecolul al XVI lea. Fernand Braudel asociazaceast expresie specific statului modern cudiplomaia Cardinalului della Casa al lui CarolQuintul, n contextul cuceririi Mantovei de
ctre Spania n anul 1552
18
. Pentru A. Criuu,
The importance of Renaissance humanism,pioneer in all areas to modernity wasevidenced by d'Alembert, which presented in1751 the "Encyclopedia", to thank the Italian
Renaissance for having given to humanitysciences, fine arts and good taste, and manymodels of unparalleled perfection1.
3. "Political Realism" and"Imperative Need" the works of
Niccolo Machiavelli (1469 -1527)By his theoretical work and his vast
political experience - which transcends thediplomatic space of Florentine fortress - N.Machiavelli is himself a man of the
Renaissance. Prince (1513), Art of War,Speeches, Florentine Histories, letters andreports produced during his long serviceactivities in Florence is truly innovativedirections in science and political philosophy,history and philosophy of history thatspecialists can not ignore. Nicknamed Galileoof policy, the Secretary of the twoChancellors and of the Council of 10 hastransformed a pure policy interpretation and
purely theoretical approach in a key area of
real-life subject to rigor of developing the artof governing, to drive and developing states1.The purpose of Machiavellian politics asscience and art also was the establishment, atleast theoretically, of the modern state,secular, liberated from the domination of thechurch and Christian morality invoice, whoseexistence should be guided by the criterion ofreason of state.
This concept, reason of state,dedicated to the specialists in history and
political science, is attributed to theFlorentine philosopher by famouscontemporaries in the sixteenth century.Fernand Braudel associated the specificexpression of the modern state diplomacy toCardinal della Casa's Charles V, in thecontext of Mantua conquest by Spain in15521. For A. Criuu, the famous doctrine ofreason of state was made not by Machiavelliin The Prince, but Fr. Guicciardini in his
lesser-known Dialogue on Florentine
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celebra doctrin a raiunii de stat a fostformulat nu de Machiavelli n Principele, cide Fr. Guicciardini n lucrarea sa mai puincunoscut, Dialog despre guvernarea
Floren ei, elaborat ntre anii 1521 1524,sub forma raggione degli stati19.Prin Machiavelli, precursor al lui Jean
Bodin, un alt teoretician celebru al statuluimodern secularizat, Renaterea se desparte nacelai timp de ideile privind ntemeiereanatural a societii i de nvtura teologic.Conceptele i ordinea politic nu-i mai gsesctemeiul nici nphysis, nici n revelaie, politicanu mai este nicio nsuire natural a omului,nicio ordine instaurat n lume de mreia legii
lui Dumnezeu20
.Adrian Gorun, n lucrarea anterior
citat ca i nLibertatea. Concept i realitate,mprtete opinia lui Pierre Manentexprimat n Istoria Intelectual a
Liberalismului i n originile Gndirii politicemoderne. Machiavelli. Hobbes. Rousseau,
conform creia proiectul lui Machiavelli esteconcomitent un realism politic, o descriere arealitii politice i un imperativ al supuneriifa de necesitate ca urmare a traducerii
descrierii n precepte21. Realismul lui const nexacerbarea rului pornind de la observaiadirect asupra factorului uman, considerat din
punct de vedere politic mai sugestiv i mai realdect binele. Realismul lui Machiavelli aredrept finalitate promovarea rului pentru a fi
bine n cetate, schimbarea statutului binelui, elnsui fiind considerat primul maestru alsuspiciunii22. n esen, binele este fundamentatn ru, pornind de la convingerea c rul esteun fenomen intrinsec al fenomenului politic, cantemeierea cetilor, schimbrile de regim iconspiraiile ultimele dou frecvent ntlniten Italia secolelor XV XVI.
Att pentru Leo Strauss, ct i pentruJacques Maritain, Machiavelli a fost unadevrat profesor al rului care prindisocierea politicii de moral a inaugurat
primul val al modernitii, renunnd astfel nmod radical la tradiia politic antic imedieval fidel prioritii religiei i moralitii
fa de valorile politicii
23
.
Government, developed between 1521 -1524, as raggione degliStati1.
By Machiavelli, Jean Bodin'sprecursor, another famous theorist of the
modern secular state, the Renaissance isseparated from both the ideas of the naturalfoundation of society and theologicalteaching. Concepts and the political ordercannot be any longer found by either physisor in revelation, politics is no longer anynatural human trait, nor order set up in theworld by the greatness of God's law1.
Adrian Gorun, in the work previouslycited as Freedom. Concept and Reality, too,agrees with Pierre Manent opinion expressed
in intellectual history of liberalism and theorigins of modern political thinking, withMachiavelli, Hobbes, Rousseau, about thefact that Machiavelli's project issimultaneously a description of politicalreality and an imperative necessity ofobedience to the translation described in thefollowing precepts1.His realism is the exacerbation of evil fromthe direct observation of human factorconsidered in political terms as suggestive
and more real than good. Machiavelli'srealism has the purpose to promote evil forgood in the city, changing the status of good,considered himself the first master ofsuspicion1. In essence, the good is based onevil, from the belief that evil is an intrinsic
phenomenon of political phenomenon, thefoundation of cities, changes of regime andconspiracy these, in the last two centuries,commonly found in Italy XV - XVI.
As for Leo Strauss and the JacquesMaritain, Machiavelli was a true "teacher ofevil" which, through the dissociation of moralfrom policy inaugurated the first wave ofmodernity, thus giving up the radical politicaltradition of ancient and medieval age, fair tothe priority of the religion and moralityagainst the values of the policy1.
Moreover, the ancients and especiallyAristotle have emphasized the human fallsthrough the manifestation of evil in the life of
the individual and the city. The Renaissance
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De altfel, anticii i n mod deosebitAristotel au scos n eviden scderileumanului, prin manifestarea rului n viaaindividului i a cetii. Filosoful renascentist nu
ignor aspectele obinuite din viaa cetii, iaccept faptul c aici poate domni liniteafondat pe dreptate i pe libertate. Aceastmoralitate fireasc nu trebuie absolutizat
pentru c ea este condiionat de imoralitateaneobinuit. Astfel, binele nu fiineazi nu sesusine dect prin ru, cu alte cuvinte se poatevorbi de ceea ce Manent numete fecunditatearului.24
Capitolul XV din Principele esteextrem de relevant n ceea ce privete proiectul
lui Machiavelli prin declararea inteniei de ascrie lucruri folositoare pentru cei care leneleg, mi s-a prut c este mai potrivit surmresc adevrul concret al faptelor dectsimpla nchipuire. Cci muli sunt aceia care i-au imaginat republici i principate pe carenimeni nu le-a vzut vreodati nimeni nu le-acunoscut ca existnd n realitate. ntr-adevr,deosebirea este att de mare ntre felul n careoamenii triesc i felul n care ar trebui striasc, nct acela care las la o parte ceea ce
este pentru ceea ce ar trebui s fie, mai curndafl cum ajung oamenii la pieire dect cum sizbuteasc25.
Departe de a se limita la a descrieoamenii aa cum se comport n realitate,Machiavelli este promotorul imperativuluisupunerii fa de necesitate, prin transformareaindicativului n imperativ conform interpretriioferite de P. Manent: noul imperativ ordon,n fapt, adecvarea la indicativ, urmrireaconcordanei dintre trebuie i aa se ntmpl ...sfera necesitii este doar o nfiare aindicativului, nu se suprapune n ntregime cuconinutul su, ntruct oamenii nu svrescdoar fapte pe care nu le pot evita, ci i lucruri
pe care pot s le evite. Tocmai de aceea, estenevoie de noul imperativ care se dorete a fiechivalentul indicativului26.
n funcie de acest nou indicativ carecoincide cu noul imperativ, Machiavelli
elaboreaz sfaturile sale politice prin care
philosophers do not ignore common aspectsof city life, and accept that there may reign
peace based on justice and freedom. Thisnatural morality should not be generalized
because it is subject to unusual immorality.Thus, good cannot exist and be supportedthan by the bad, in other words one can speakof what Manent called "fecundity of evil"1.
Chapter XV of ThePrince is highlyrelevant in terms of Machiavelli's project bydeclaring the intention "to write useful thingsfor those who understand, I found it moreappropriate to seek the truth of the facts thanthe mere fancy. For many are those who haveimagined republics and principalities that
nobody has ever seen and nobody knew thatthere are actually. Indeed, the difference is sogreat between how people live and how theyshould live, that he who leaves aside what isfor what should be, rather learns how to get
people to perdition than how to succeed"1.Far from limited to describe the way
people behave in reality, Machiavelli is thepromoter of obedience to the imperativenecessity by transforming the imperative callas interpretation offered by P. Manent: "new
imperative orders, in fact, the adequacy of theindicative, prosecution must tally so happens... sphere need to be called just oneappearance, it does not overlap entirely withits contents, since people commit acts thatcannot avoid, but also things you can avoidthem1.
That is why the new imperative needwould be an equivalent call. Based on this"new indication" that coincides with "newimperative", Machiavelli developed his
political advice by forcing political action toseek a generalization of the need to always beeffective and to complete successfully1. Theorigins of this "new imperative" to be foundin the political development of the ItalianRenaissance, the multitude of principalitiesand republics disputed by the Church andEmpire in the wars and conspiracies of thetime, but also personal experience in one ofthe most modern states in Europe - Florence.
Thus, unlike its predecessors: Platon,
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foreaz aciunea politic s caute ogeneralizare a necesitii pentru a fintotdeauna eficient i a se finaliza cusucces27. Originile acestui nou imperativ se
regsesc n evoluia politic a ItalieiRenascentiste, n multitudinea de principate irepublici disputate de Biseric i Imperiu, nrzboaiele i n conspiraiile vremii dar i nexperiena personal ntr-unul dintre cele maimoderne state ale Europei momentului Florena. Astfel, spre deosebire de predecesoriisi: Platon, Aristotel, Polybios i TomadAquino, care au calificat regimurile politicen mod dihotomic, ca pure i corupte,normative sau non normative, autorul
florentin a legitimat politicile non normativeca inevitabile, legate de supravieuirea ntr-orealitate dat. Un Principe care nu utilizeazmijloace problematice atunci cnd este necesar
pentru supravieuire, va fi incapabil s facbinele cnd poate28.
Abordnd problematica statului dintr-oalt perspectivi a suveranitii sale n relaiacu biserica i cu alte entiti statale,Machiavelli nu a reuit ns s legitimeze nicioinstituie politic, dar a deschis calea acestui
demers pentru Thomas Hobbes n secolul alXVII - lea. Dac Machiavelli a legitimatscopul, Hobbes a legitimat aciunea, ambeletipuri de legitimare avnd drept fundamentceea ce n limbajul moral este denumit ru.Ideea de fric, fundament al construciei cetiiapare la ambii filosofi. Poporul nclinat laMachiavelli spre un anumit tip de buntate,la Hobbes reprezint purttorul fundamentelorinstituiei politice legitime, prin nevoilefiecruia, securitatea, pacea social dorit29.Arta politic a lui Hobbes are drept fundamentceea ce depete orice opinie i orice model,sentimentul fricii de moarte derivat dinbellum omnium contra omnes. Ulterior, JohnLocke, legitimeaz proprietatea privat cafundament al libertii i conservriiindividului.
Revenind la relaia dintre Cetate iBiseric, atitudinea potrivnic bisericii, nconsonan cu spiritul laic al umanismului
renascentist i cu tradiiile republicane ale
Aristotel and TomaAquino Polybios whoqualified political regimes in a dichotomy, as
pure and corrupt acts or non - normative, theauthor of Florentine policies legitimated non -
normative as inevitable, related to survival ina given reality. A main problem when notusing means necessary for survival, will beunable to do good where he can1.
Approaching the issue from anotherperspective, state and its sovereignty inrelation to church and other state entities,Machiavelli failed to justify any politicalinstitution, but opened the way for suchaction to Thomas Hobbes in the seventeenthcentury. If Machiavelli legitimated order,
Hobbes has legitimized the action, both as afoundation of legitimacy with which morallanguage is called "bad". The idea of fear, thecity, is building the foundation of both
philosophers. The people inclined toMachiavelli to a certain type of "kindness", inHobbes since he is the bearer of legitimate
political institutions, foundations, and theneed for each other, security, and desiredsocial peace1. Hobbes's political art has thefoundation which exceeds any opinion or any
model, feel the fear of death derived from"bellum omnium contra omenes . Later,John Locke legitimizes private property asthe foundation of freedom and individualconservation.
Turning to the relationship betweenthe Castle and Church, hostile attitude of thechurch, in keeping with the secular spirit ofRenaissance humanism and republicantraditions of Florence, Machiavelli makes theneed for empowerment of state temporal
power of the clergy. Leo Strauss, PierreManent and Adrian Gorun explain this modelto tackle the theological-political in Italy andCatholic Europe by overcoming the powersof natural, spiritual nature of the churchduring the disintegration of the RomanEmpire because of the need for legitimatingof power, situation seen during training butanachronistic national monarchical states. Inthe Italian states, the two "universals":
Church and Empire have played for centuries
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Florenei, Machiavelli formuleaz necesitateaemanciprii statului de puterea temporal aclerului. Leo Strauss, Pierre Manent i AdrianGorun explic acest model de abordare a
problemei teologico-politice n Italia i nEuropa catolic prin depirea atribuiilorfireti, de natur spiritual ale bisericii n
perioada de dezagregare a Imperiului Romanca urmare a nevoii de legitimare a puterii,situaie considerat ns anacronic n perioadaformrii statelor monarhice naionale. n cazulstatelor italiene, cele dou universalii:Biserica i Imperiul i-au disputat timp desecole supremaia, mpiedicnd altfelconstituirea statului unificat.
Mai mult dect n oricare dintre stateleapusene, Renaterea italian a determinatnnoirea ideii de istorie, prin raportarea lamodelele antice greceti i romane care, dupcaz, trebuie imitate sau evitate, pentru formareanoilor structuri politice sau, a atitudinilorcomportamentale. Istoria devine astfel necesar
pentru teoria i practica politic, un instrumentmajor de evaluare i aciune. Ea nu este redusla dimensiunea trecutului, include i prezentul,fr a-l reduce la imediatul efemer, pentru a
contribui la nelegerea, explicarea idescifrarea aciunilor politice, necesare statului,ale indivizilor, n scopul nfptuirii scopului
propus30. Cu alte cuvinte, ea nu este numai oform de erudiie sau fiic a memoriei, ntr-omai mare msur devine magistra vitae prinancorarea n transformarea dorit acolectivitilori destinelor individuale. Istoriaa ceea ce a fost, a cea ce este, numai ea poates lumineze i s contribuie la o nelegere justa naturii omului, a fenomenelor puterii, aconduitei concrete, necesare pentru guvernanii guvernai.
Pentru a obine succesul sau a evitaeecul, trebuie s ne impregnm de modelelevechi, s imitm frumoasele lor aciuni iminunile de nelepciune i virtute cuprinsen istoria regatelor i a republicilor vechi,afirma Machiavelli31. Republica Florentingsete n Republica Roman, sursa idinamismul su. Paradigma istoric nu trebuie
ns s ne fac s uitm c oamenii rmn, n
the rule, otherwise hindering unified state.More than any of the Western States,
Italian Renaissance led to the renewal of theidea of history, by reference to ancient Greek
and Roman models which, whereappropriated, it imitated or avoided for theformation of new political structures or
behavioral attitudes. The history becomes anecessary theory and a political practice, amajor tool for evaluation and action. It is notreduced in size past, and this includes,without reducing the immediacy of theephemeral, to help understand, explain anddecipher the political actions required by thestate or individuals to realize their intended
purpose1
. In other words, it is not only a formof scholarship or "daughter of memory" To agreat extent it is a "Magistra vitae" byanchoring the desired transformation ofcommunities and individual destinies. Thehistory of what has been of what is, can shineand contribute to a fair understanding ofhuman nature, the phenomena of power, theactual conduct necessary for rulers and theruled ones.
To achieve success or avoid failure,
we must impregnate ourselves by old models,"to imitate their beautiful actions" and"wonders of wisdom and virtue in thehistory of ancient kingdoms and republics,said Machiavelli1. The Florentina Republicfound in the Roman Republic power anddynamism. The historical paradigm does notmake us forget that the people remain, intime, always the same, the world remains inthe state in which it was always, there isalways the same amount of good, the sameamount of bad, but the good and the donothing bad shall go through different places,different regions. A meditation on history issubstituted in time by a reflection on humannature and their passions, limited by fate.
The history ofDiscourses on Livy'sfirst decade and the Florentine histories wassubstituted by the philosophy of history inPrince. Thus, history was dealt with facts,occurrence, but is given insufficient rigor and
accuracy, in a strong involvement of
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decursul timpului, mereu aceiai, lumea semenine n aceeai stare n care a fostdintotdeauna, exist mereu aceeai cantitate de
bine, aceeai cantitate de ru; dar acest bine i
acest ru nu fac dect s parcurg locuridiferite, regiuni diferite. Unei meditaii asupraistoriei i se substituie n timp reflecia asupranaturii oamenilori a pasiunilor lor, limitate desoart.
Istoricului din Discursuri asupraprimei decade a lui Titus Liviusi dinIstoriileFlorentine i s-a substituit filosoful istoriei nPrincipele. Astfel, istoria a fost abordat nmod factual, evenimenial, fr a se acordasuficient importan rigorii i exactitii, n
condiiile unei implicri puternice din punct devedere subiectiv n selectarea modelelor anticede state i conductori, pentru a le compara curealiti ale epocii sale. n Istoriile Florentine,conflictul dintre cele dou universalii,Papalitatea i Imperiul German, soluionattemporar n 1077 la Canossa prin umilinampratului, a fost plasat cronologic n anul1082.
Capcana istoriei, prin exaltareavirtuilor unor personaje legendare, mitologicei reale, invocate pe tot parcursulPrincipelui, acontribuit la conturarea utopiei renvierii glorieiromane din antichitate. Alturi de nchinarea laaceti idoli, utopia noului Principe iinconsecvenele relaiei dintre Stat i Bisericconstituie vulnerabilitatea proiectuluimachiavellian.
4. Ipostazele statului la NicolloMachiavelli: Republica i PrincipatulProblematica statului reprezint esena
gndirii politice a umanistului florentin, care autilizat pentru prima dat termenul stat cainstituionalizare a puterii n lucrarea
Principele32. Pe bun dreptate, Fr. de Sanctis l-
a numit pe Machiavelli arhitectul statuluimodern, ca urmare a conceptualizrii unuinou tip de stat, organizat la nivelul ntregii Italiii subordonat pragmatismului n plan intern.Analiznd originile liberalismului modern,Adrian Gorun i recunoate secretarului
florentin meritul de a fi surprins caracteristicile
subjective point of view in the selection ofstate and leaders of ancient models, tocompare with the realities of his time. TheFlorentine Histories, the conflict between two
universals, the papacy and the GermanEmpire, settled temporarily in 1077 toCanossa by humility Emperor was placedchronologically in 1082.
The trap history by exalting thevirtues of legendary, mythical and realfigures, invoked throughout Prince,contributed to shaping the utopia revival ofancient Roman glory. Along with the worshipof these idols, the utopia of the new Princeand inconsistencies relationship between
State and Church are the Machiavellianproject vulnerability.
4. Nicollo Machiavelli StateHypostasis: Principality and
Republic
The state problem is the essence ofpolitical thinking of the Florentine humanist,who first used the term "State" asinstitutionalization of power in his work,
Prince1. Rightly, Fr. De Sanctis appointed
Machiavelli as the architect of the modernstate ", following the conceptualization of anew type of state, held throughout Italy andsubordinated internally to pragmatism.Investigating the origins of modernliberalism, Adrian Gorun recognizes the meritof the Florentine secretary in surprising thecharacteristics expressed by the assertion ofsecular state policy, a state empty of religiouscontent and the vicissitudes of ethics,representing politics as an activity subject torigor: the art of governing, leading anddeveloping states1.
Italy accounted for historians,sociologists and philosophers, an urbannationalist area, where the territorial state hasno place for the fact that Italian cities haveresisted the political unity of the peninsula,which strong families such as made-Sforzaone would realize1. The living frame of themedieval and postmedievale society is made
up, as written by J. Dhont, by the "regional
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politicii exprimate prin afirmarea statului laic,un stat golit de coninutul religios ivicisitudinile eticii, reprezentnd politica drepto activitate subordonat rigorii: arta de a
guverna, a conduce i dezvolta statele33
.Italia a reprezentat, pentru istorici,sociologi i filosofi, o zon a naionalismelorurbane, n care statul teritorial nu-i are locul
pentru c oraele italiene s-au mpotrivitunitii politice a peninsulei, pe care familii
puternice de tipul Sforza ar fi realizat-o34.Cadrul viu al societii medievale i
postmedievale este, aa cum scrie J. Dhontprincipatul regional, nu regatul ntins i nicisenioria de dimensiuni foarte mici35.
n epoc, Italia a reprezentat terenul pecare se rezolvau conflictele dintre Curia papal,Frana, Spania i Imperiul German. n acestcontext interesul filosofului florentin pentrugeopolitic, arhitectura statului modern, armatanaionali raiunea de stat este ct se poate defiresc. Experiena lucrurilor i a oamenilor areprezentat alturi de cunoaterea istorieitemelia artei de a guverna. Problema centraldin Principele este problema formrii iconsolidrii statului unitar, singura salvare i
pavz a independenei i libertii36.n afara statului, privit ca organism viu
nu ca entitate abstract, nu exist nimic, legeasuprem este salvarea lui, ca la romani, iar
principele ca personificarea a statului trebuies-i consacre toate preocuprile sale, chiarmoralitatea personal. Idealul moral cel mainalt este existena statului, binele, sigurana luin faa crora morala curent, individual isocial, nu conteaz, nu are nicio valoare37.
Scopul politicii este acela de a crea, dea menine i de a consolida statul. Statul esteastfel un organism compus sau colectiv,organism identificat cu trire uman, cu trirea
public. Dei a trit ntr-o epoc dominat deindividualism, autorulPrincipelui a subordonattotdeauna interesul individual i de grup,interesului major circumscris statului. Statulmachiavelian este n acest context att scop cti mijloc n sine pentru cetenii si38.
La fel de modern este i asocierea
solidaritii indivizilor dintr-un stat cu
principality, not the stretched kingdom orvery small Lordship1.
In that time, Italy was the land onresolving conflicts between papal curia,
France, Spain and the German Empire. In thiscontext the interest of Florentine philosopherfor geopolitical architecture of the modernstate, national army and state reason is verynaturally. To experience things and peoplehas been the foundation of the history and anart to govern. The central issue of "Prince" isthe issue of training and strengthening theunitary state, the only salvation and shield ofindependence and freedom1.
Outside the state, viewed as living
organism, rather than abstract entity, there isnothing: to save him is the supreme law, asthe Romans did, and the prince as the
personification of the state, must devote allhis concerns to it, even personal morality.The highest moral ideal is the existence of thestate welfare, his safety against which thecurrent, social and individual moral does notmatter, has no value1.
The policy goal is to create, preserveand strengthen the state. The state is thus a
composite body or collectively identifiedwith living human body, the public living.Although he lived in an age dominated byindividualism, the author of Princesubordinated all personal and group intereststo the major interest circumscribing the state.The machiavelian state is in this context bothend and means in itself for its citizens1.
As modern is the combination ofsolidarity of individuals in a state with their
political awareness, which fostersresponsibility in the conduct of theirindividual and collective behavior in order toensure stability and state development. ForDante Aligheri, the state ideal was theuniversal monarchy of Ottoniens andHohenstaufen, the Italian republics werecompared with true "nest of rebels" as a resultof conspiracies, rebellions and institutionsincreasingly depersonalized of their powers1.
The that age occurred in Italy new
political bodies, very different to the ones of
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contiina lor politic, care i responsabilizeazn conduita lor individual i ncomportamentul colectiv n scopul asigurriistabilitii statului i al dezvoltrii sale. Pentru
Dante Aligheri, idealul statal l-a reprezentatmonarhia universal a Ottonienilor iHohenstaufenilor, republicile italiene fiindcomparate cu adevrate cuiburi de rebeli caurmare a conspiraiilor, revoltelori instituiilordin ce n ce mai depersonalizate de atribuiilelor39.
n Italia au aprut n epoc noiorganisme politice cu totul diferite de cele din
perioada premergtoare Renaterii. ValeriuMarcu numete aceast perioad timpul
tiraniilor Renaterii, create de mari condotierii de ilustre familii aristocratice ca Visconti,Sforza, Medici, Gonzaga sau Borgia40. Spredeosebire de Machiavelli, pentru care statulreal contemporan lui i statul dorit, preconizat
pentru viitor, este un stat al rzboiului,Erasmus din Rotterdam a fost teoreticianul
politicii pacifiste, umanitariste, pe linia luiPlaton, Aristotel, Toma d Aquino. Politica nueste desprit brutal de moral sugerndu-se
principelui sau popoarelor s-i subordoneze
panic interesele personale, egoiste, solidaritiintregii omeniri.
Departe de a fi pur descriptiv, primaparte a lucrrii Principele analizeazmodalitile de constituire a statelor italiene, acelor din afara spaiului peninsular, nenfieaz aspecte ale guvernrii precum ireflecii asupra principelui, prezentat pe larg na doua parte a lucrrii. Ca i Platon sauAristotel, una dintre problemele majore aleteoriei politice elaborate de Machiavelli aconstat n descoperirea acelor instituii politicecare produc cel mai bun tip de societate i deindivid. Faptul c filosoful nu menioneazimperiul alturi de republici i principate n
primul capitol, nu ne surprinde, pentru caceast form de organizare a fost strin Italieidup prbuirea statului roman. Astfel, toatestatele, toate stpnirile care au avut i au
putere asupra oamenilor au fost i sunt fierepublici, fie principate41. Cuvntul
principato corespunde modelului italian de
the pre-Renaissance period. Valeriu Marcucalls this period "time of Renaissancetyrannies, created by great condottiere andillustrious aristocratic families as Visconti,
Sforza, Medici, Gonzaga or Borgia1
. UnlikeMachiavelli, for which the real state ofcontemporary and desirable state, planned forthe future, is a state of war, Erasmus ofRotterdam was the theorist of peaceful
policy, humanitarian, on the line of Plato,Aristotle, Thomas d'Aquino. Politics is notsplit by the moral, suggesting to the prince orto the people to peaceably subordinate their
personal interests, selfish, to the solidarity ofall humanity.
Far from being purely descriptive, thefirst part of "Prince" examines the types ofestablishing the Italian states, those fromoutside the Peninsular, showing us aspects ofgovernance and reflections on the prince,
presented in detail in the second part of thepaper. The fact that the philosopher does notmention the empire in the first chapter amongrepublics and principalities is not surprising,
because this form of organization was foreignto Italy after the collapse of Roman rule.
Thus, "all states, all the powers which had ormight have powers on humans were and areeither republics or principalities1. The word"principato" corresponds to the Italian modelof monarchy with absolutist tendencies,reduced in territorial size.
The Republic of Machiavelli wasunderstood as a joint government as in thecase of Polybios, in which all socialstructures exercise power to prevent abuse ofone of them and the prospect of establishing adictatorship. Freedom is in this context selfgovernance, because it is evident only in
political action. Indifference of citizens topublic life precludes freedom of city life for aregime of tyranny. Therefore, freedom is a
precondition for virtue and can be manifestedthrough the free expression of thoughts andmeetings as a voice of city againstcorruption1. The city thus proves itsvulnerability to corruption caused by internal
degradation and danger of subjecting easy
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monarhie cu tendine absolutiste, redus cadimensiuni teritoriale .
Republica a fost neleas deMachiavelli ca un guvernmnt mixt ca i n
cazul lui Polybios, n care toate structurilesociale exercit puterea pentru a se evitaabuzurile uneia dintre ele i perspectivainstaurrii unei dictaturi. Libertatea este nacest context autoguvernare pentru c semanifest doar n aciunea politic.Dezinteresul cetenilor pentru viaa publicexclude libertatea din viaa cetii n favoareaunui regim de tiranie. n consecin, libertateaeste o precondiie pentru virtute i se manifest
prin posibilitatea exprimrii libere a gndurilor
i a ntrunirilor ca o voce a cetii mpotrivacorupiei42. Cetatea i dovedete astfelvulnerabilitatea prin degradarea intern
provocat de corupie i pericolul unei supunerifacile din exterior.
Pledoaria pentru Republic ca form deguvernare, longeviv i liber apare clarformulat n Discursuri, spre deosebire deopiunea n favoarea monarhiei (Principatului)dominant n Principele. Filosofi ai statului,
printre care i Rousseau, au interpretat scrierile
amintite ntr-o manier republican clasic, desorginte ciceronian, prin importana acordatspiritului civic, legilori binelui comun43.
Mai puin preocupat de republic caform statal, ca urmare a crizei instituionale,a instaurrii regimurilor de tiranie i acapacitii reduse de aprare, autorul i-andreptat atenia asupra principatului, a crui
prezentare este comparat cu firele uneiurzeli, datorit complexitii sale. Realitatea
politic din Cinquento l-a determinat sclasifice principatele italiene dup modul lor deconstituire, n principate ereditare, mixte i
principate noi. Dei cronologic statele ereditarepreced principatele mixte i cele nou formate,primele menionate nu i-au atras n moddeosebit atenia, datorit perpeturii puterii ncadrul aceleiai dinastii potrivit tradiieimedievale. Spun deci, c n statele ereditare icare s-au obinuit cu familia principelui lor,greutile ntmpinate n pstrarea lor sunt cu
mult mai mici dect n principatele noi,
from the outside.Pleading for the Republic as a form of
government which is both longevive and freeis clearly expressed in Speeches, unlike the
choice in favor of monarchy (Principality)dominant in the Prince. Philosophers of thestate, including Rousseau, have interpretedthe mentioned writings in a classic republicanmanner of the Ciceronian origin, thank to theimportance given to citizenship, laws andcommon good1.
Less concerned about the republic as astate form, following the institutional crisis,the building schemes of tyranny and reducedcapacity for defense, the author turned his
attention to the principality, whosepresentation is compared to "Threads ofconspiracy thank to its complexity. The
political reality of Cinquento led him toclassify the Italian principalities according totheir model of establishment, dividing themin hereditary, mixed and new principalities.Although chronologically preceding themixed and newly formed states, the firstmentioned hereditary states have not attractedhis particular attention because of the
perpetuation of power in the same tradition ofthe medieval dynasties. "I say then, that in thehereditary states and were they wereaccustomed to their prince family, thedifficulties encountered in maintaining themis much lower than in the new principalities
because it is enough not to get away from theway of government of ancestors and actslowly and according to needs that arise"1,said Machiavelli.
The new principalities specific to Italyin the centuries XIV - XVI are mixed
principalities formed by including to theexisting state new territories and
principalities as a result of the policy ofconquest pursued by hereditary princes orambitious condottiere - as specified by Milanafter obtaining power by Francesco Sforza.The fact that the state is in constant dynamicas a living organism, resulting from theacceptance of change at the expense of
political tradition, "because change is always
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deoarece este de ajuns s nu te ndeprtezi defelul de guvernare al strmoilori s acionezin acelai timp fr grab i potrivit nevoilorcare se ivesc44, afirma Machiavelli.
Principatele noi, specifice Italiei nsecolele XIV XVI sunt principatele mixte,constituite prin includerea unor teritorii noistatului deja existent, i principate n totalitatenoi, ca rezultat al politicii de cuceriri
promovat de principi ereditari sau condotieriambiioi aa cum este menionat Milanodup obinerea puterii de ctre FrancescoSforza. ntr-un principat mixt, instalarea la
putere a unui nou suveran genereaz dificultide guvernare ca urmare a instabilitii asociate
cu abuzurile comise mpotriva populaieisupuse. Rul de care vorbete Machiavelli nmod deosebit prin raportare la nsuirile
principelui devine firesc i natural.Vulnerabilitatea noii stpniri, a noului
principe, orict de puternic ar fi cineva prinfora armelor lui, poate fi nlturat numai cuajutorul locuitorilor ei45. Ca exemplu este
prezentat regele Franei, Ludovic XII, n dublasa ipostaz: de cuceritor al oraului Milano prinfora armelori de nfrnt ca urmare a revoltei
populaiei.Pentru ca stabilitatea unui astfel de stat
s fie asigurat, autorul consider necesarnlturarea familiei vechiului principe imeninerea organizrii interne n plan legislativi fiscal aa cum reiese din Capitolul III,
p.16:... este de ajuns ca neamul vechiuluiprincipe s se sting, iar legile i drile s nusufere schimbri.
Experiena evenimentelor politice i aconfruntrilor militare, poate fi sintetizat ncelebra replic dat la Nantes Cardinalului deRouen, pe care l-ar fi dorit el nsui Pap dupmoartea lui Alexandru VI Borgia: cci atuncicnd Cardinalul de Rouen mi-a spus c italieniinu se pricep la rzboi, eu i-am rspuns cfrancezii nu se pricep la politic, deoarece dacs-ar pricepe, nu ar fi lsat ca biserica s devinatt de puternic46. n finalul capitolului,desprinde idei generale pornind de la cazurile
particulare i faptele individuale ca: acela care
este cauza puterii cuiva se prbuete el nsui;
a starting point of a change following thatlink and that one supports.In a mixed principality, setting a newsovereign power created difficulties in
governance, due to the instability associatedwith the abuses committed against thepopulation. Machiavelli speaks about evilparticularly with reference to the princeattributes becomes normal and natural. Thevulnerability of the new reign, of the new
prince, "however strong as anyone can be byforce, he can be removed only by itsinhabitants1. As an example is presented theKing of France, Louis XII, in its twofoldaspect: the conqueror of Milan defeated by
force of arms and defeated following thepeople uprising.
For such state stability is ensured, theauthor considers necessary to remove the old
prince and family organization and tomaintain the internal law and tax as indicatedin Chapter III, p. 16 :"... is enough for peopleto turn off the old prince and the laws andtaxes do not undergo changes.
The experience of political events andmilitary confrontations, can be summarized in
the famous reply given at Nantes by theCardinal of Rouen, which he wished himselfas Pope after the death of Pope Alexander VIBorgia, "because when the Cardinal of Rouentold me that Italians are not good at war, Ireplied that the French people are not skilledin policy, because they would do, they wouldnot have allowed to the church to become sostrong1. At the end of the chapter hehighlighted general ideas from particularcases and individual acts as "one who is thereason of someone power shall collapsehimself; because the power he did to the otherhad been brought either by cunning or byviolence and both the first and the other isdangerous for one who has become strong"(Chapter III, p21). These ideas find theirform in the attributes that a state leadershould possess, as will be presented in detailin another chapter of the present.
A larger space in its main opera
"Prince" is assigned to the "new
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n adevr, puterea celuilalt el a fcut-o fie prinviclenie, fie prin violen i att una ct icealalt sunt primejdioase pentru cel ce adevenit puternic (Cap. III, p21). Aceste idei le
regsim sub forma nsuirilor pe careconductorul unui stat trebuie s le posede, aacum vor fi prezentate pe larg ntr-un alt capitolal lucrrii de fa.
Un spaiu mai larg n principala saoper Principele este alocat Principatelornoi, n capitolele VI, VII, VIII. Capitolul alVI-lea, apelnd din nou la modele glorioase aleantichitii: Moise, Cirus, Romulus i Teseu,este dedicat principatului nou, din punct devedere teritorial i instituional, constituit prin
intermediul armelor proprii i a propriilornsuiri nu disociaz statul nou de principe.
n consecin, noul este asociat cuintervenia activ a principelui, n careintroduce i criteriul valoric. n msura n carenoul este voit de principe, el va triumfa asuprampotrivirilor n msura n care nu se vaimpune, noul nu este n mod obligatoriusuperior vechiului, dar principele nu este cuadevrat necesar n acel moment. Exemplul luiSavonarola n tendina sa de instituire a unei
Republici teocratice, este semnificativ. Prinnsuirile proprii i armele proprii este ridicatFrancesco Sforza.
n Capitolul VII-Despre principatelenoi care se cuceresc prin armele i prin
favoarea altuia, Cesare Borgia i-a dobnditstatul mulumit situaiei nalte a tatlui su il-a pierdut odat cu moartea acestuia, cu toatec a folosit toate mijloacele i a fcut tot ceeace trebuia s fac un om nelept i capabil carevrea s-i asigure stpnirea n ara pe care aobinut-o prin armele i prin situaia nalt aacestuia (Capitolul VII, p. 29). Cu toatecalitile de care a dat dovad n guvernareaRomagnei, Ducele de Valentino a pierdut statultocmai datorit dependenei de statul bisericii, acrui autoritate se baza mai mult pe foraexcomunicrii i a efectelor sale dect pe oinfluen politic major sau putere militar
proprie. Transformat n adevrat simbol alcruzimii de ctre adversarii si politici n mod
exagerat, admirat de ctre Machiavelli, i
principalities, in Chapters VI, VII, VIII.Chapter VI, calling back to the gloriousancient models: Moses, Cyrus, Romulus andTeseu, is dedicated to the new principality, in
terms of territorial and institutional set up bythe weapons of their own and not dissociatingthe new state to the Prince.
Therefore, new active intervention isassociated with Prince, which introduces acriterion value. To the extent the new iswanted by the prince, he will triumph overopposition and to the extent the new will not
be imposed, it wont be compulsory superiorto the old one, but the prince is not reallynecessary at that time. Example of
Savonarola in the tendency to establishing atheocratic Republic is significant. By theircharacteristics and their weapons is highFrancesco Sforza.
In Chapter VII - About the newprincipalities which are conquered through
the weapons and favor of anotherone, CesareBorgia has acquired the high position thanksto his father and lost it with the death of thelast, although he used all means and did allwhich had to make a wise and able man who
wants to ensure mastery of the land which hasbeen obtained through weapons and its highstatus (Chapter VII, p. 29). With all thequalities that he proved in ruling Romagna,the Duke of Valentino lost the state just
because of the dependence of the church,whose authority was based more on power ofexcommunication and its effects than on amajor political influence and military poweron its own. He became a real symbol ofcruelty thank to his political opponentsunduly; admired by Machiavelli, however, hewas in lack of the foundation of power: "Hewho does not rise from the beginning thefoundations could have, if he enjoys of all thenecessary qualities, to rise them later,although in this case the manufacturer wouldhave many difficulties, and the building itselfwould be in danger "(Chapter VII, p. 29).
For Machiavelli, there is not a form ofgovernment which is absolutely good for all
places, all times and all peoples. However the
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lipsete totui fundamentul puterii: Acela carenu nal de la nceput temeliile ar putea dacare toate nsuirile necesare, s le nale maitrziu, dei n cazul acesta constructorul ar avea
multe greuti, iar cldirea nsi ar fi nprimejdie. (Capitolul VII, p. 29)Pentru Machiavelli, nu exist o form
de guvernmnt care s fie bun n modabsolut, pentru toate locurile, toate timpurile itoate popoarele. Orict de contradictorii parcele dou forme de stat, fiecare dintre elecorespunde, chiari n evoluia aceluiai popor,unui anumit moment istoric. Formeleintermediare de guvernare au fost consideratecele mai rele, datorit incapacitii lor de-a
garanta stabilitatea intern: pentru monarhie irepublic nu exist dect o singur primejdie;
pentru cea dinti de a aluneca pe pantademocraiei, pentru cea de a doua de a aluneca
pe panta absolutismului; guverneleintermediare sunt ns expuse la primejdiandoit de-a nclina n acelai timp ctredemocraie i absolutism - i de-aici provincele mai multe revoluii47. Cel mai bunexemplu l-a reprezentat Florena, a creievoluie politic a pendulat ntre Republic i
Monarhie.Afinitile sale republicane, influenate
n mare msur de tradiiile politice ale RomeiRepublicane expuse de Titus Livius i Polybiosn lucrrile lor, au fost transferate asupramonarhiei, considerat a fi modelul statal celmai potrivit pentru organizarea viitoare aItaliei. De altfel, principii sunt mai potrivii
pentru a ntemeia state i guvernmintelepopulare mai eficiente pentru conservarea lor.Aa cum deducem din Principele, Principatulnou, constituit ca urmare a nsuirilor i aarmatei proprii, nu poate fi dect echivalentulmonarhiei franceze, considerat model prindimensiunile teritoriale, structurileadministrative i fora militar.
5. ConcluziiNiccolo Machiavelli este un deschiztor
de drumuri n tiina i filosofia politicii,
two forms of state seem to be contradictory,each of them corresponds, even in thedevelopment of the same people, to a
particular historical moment. Intermediate
forms of government were considered theworst, due to their inability to guaranteeinternal stability, "for both the monarchy andrepublic there is only one danger, for theformer to slide down the slope of democracy,the second to glide the slope to absolutism;
but the interim governments are exposed todouble danger to bow in the same time infront of democracy and absolutism - and herecome the more revolutions1. The bestexample was the Florence, whose political
evolution was the one of the pendulumbetween Republic and Monarchy.
His Republican ties, influencedlargely by the Republican political traditionsof Rome exposed by Titus Livius andPolybios in their work, were transferred to themonarchy, regarded as the best state modelfor the future organization of Italy. Moreover,the principles are most appropriate forestablishing states and people governmentswhich enjoy of a more effective conservation.
As inferred from the Prince, the newPrincipality, established as a result ofassimilation and its army, can only be theequivalent of the French monarchy,considered a model thank to its territorialsize, administrative structure and militaryforce.
5. ConclusionsNiccol Machiavelli is a pioneer in
the philosophy of science and policy, thusanticipating the entire modern politicalthought, from Hobbes, Locke, to Rousseau,Voltaire and liberalism of the nineteenthcentury. Continuing the concerns of classicsas regard the science of politics, theFlorentine politician was also detached fromits predecessors Plato and Aristotle not only
by making policy in an area independent of
human activity, dominated by reason, but by
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anticipnd astfel ntreaga gndire politicmodern, de la Hobbes, Locke, la Rousseau,Voltaire i liberalismul secolului al XIX lea.Continund preocuprile clasicilor n ceea ce
privete tiina politicii, omul politic florentins-a detaat totodat de predecesorii si Platon iAristotel nu numai prin transformarea politiciintr-un domeniu autonom al activitii umane,dominat de raiune, dari prin modul n care s-a impus ca teoretician al statului nou, desprinsde sub tutela Bisericii i a ierarhiei de ranguridominat de legitimitatea ereditii i a nobleein sens medieval.
Pornind de la concreteea faptului politici a caracterului uman nclinat spre ru,
pentru realizarea raiunii de stat, Machiavelli atransformat indicativul n imperativ ca urmarea traducerii descrierii n precepte. n funcie denoul indicativ suprapus noului imperativ, aufost elaborate celebrele sfaturi politice, princare aciunea politic este suport algeneralizrii necesitii, pentru a fi ntotdeaunaeficienti a se concretiza n succese. Chiaricei care n mod formal i-au blamat opera,Frederic al II-lea, Talleyrand, oameni ai
bisericii pentru carePrincipele ar fi fost scris
de nsui mna Diavolului, au fost n realitatemai machiavellici dect celebrul florentin, nsensul firesc al conceptului sau adaptatinteresului personal, n funcie de conjunctur.
Ceea ce contemporanii lui Machiavellinu au reuit s realizeze: statul secularizat,armata naional i unificarea Italiei ntr-unstat, au reuit promotorii Risorgimento n adoua jumtate a secolului al XIX lea subinfluena naionalismului romantic i a ideilorliberale.
Bibliografie
Braudel, Fernand - Gramaticacivilizaiilor, vol. II, Editura Meridiane,Bucureti, 1994
Braudel, Fernand - Mediterana i lumeamediteranean n epoca lui Filip al II-lea,Editura Meridiane, Bucureti, 1986, vol. III,
Braudel, Fernand - Timpul lumii, Editura
Meridiane, Bucureti, 1989, vol. I
how it emerged as the theorist of the newstate, separated from under the Church andthe hierarchy of ranks dominated byhereditary legitimacy and nobility in the
medieval sense.Starting from the fact itself andhuman character - prone to bad, to achievethe state of reason, Machiavelli turned theindicative into imperative call of thetranslation described in the following
precepts. Depending on the new indicativeoverlayed to the new imperative indication,were developed famous political advices,which are the support of the mainstream
political action need to always be effective
and resulting in the success. Even those whoformally have blamed the work, Frederick II,Talleyrand, people of the church - for which
Prince was written by the hand of Satanhimself, were convinced in reality that thefamous Florentine Machiavelli enjoyed thenatural meaning of the concept of personalinterest or adapted according tocircumstances.
What Machiavelli's contemporarieshad failed to achieve: the secular, national
army and the unification of Italy in a state,managed and succeeded the promoters ofRisorgimento in the second half of thenineteenth century under the influence ofthe romantic nationalism and of liberal ideas.
Bibliography
Braudel, Fernand - Grammar of Civilizations,vol II, Ed Meridiane, Bucharest, 1994Braudel, Fernand - The Mediterranean andthe Mediterranean world in the age of Philip