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    A defini cartea ca o continuare sau, mai degrab, completare a crii citite anterior, despre

    care v-am povestit. Dac n cartea lui John Perkins aflm despre cum imperialismul american

    elaboreaz scheme frauduloase de afaceri i finanri pentru a prinde rile n cursa lui, atunci

    n cartea lui Jeremy Scahill aflm, practic, despre susinerea armat a acelor planuri, prin

    proiecte de externalizare a forelor armate oficiale ctre companii private, a cror activitate

    devine din ce n ce mai dubioas, dar i prosper i, ce e mai grav, beneficiar a impunitii ia proteciei administraiei de stat.

    Una dintre cele mai mari reprezentante ale acestor companii, Blackwater, i-a nceput

    activitatea cu mari dificulti, prin 1998, ca o companie de instrucie n domeniul militar, n

    Carolina de Nord. Dup evenimentele din 11 septembrie 2001, prestigiul, contractele i

    profiturile acestei companii explodeaz i cresc exponenial cu fiece an. De asemenea, cresc

    capacitile acesteia, domeniile de activitate, numrul de angajai i de ri n care acetia

    sunt dislocai. Se consider c numrul lor atinge pn la 2700 de mercenari activi, dislocai n

    cel puin nou ri ale lumii, i nc 21000 de soldai care ar putea fi apelai la necesitate. Cu

    un asemenea efectiv, armata Blackwater ar putea rsturna guvernele multor ri.

    Destul de epice sunt capitolele referitoare la Erik Prince, ntemeietorul i proprietarul

    companiei, fanatic religios de dreapta (unii soldai Blackwater se numeau cavaleri ai Ordinului

    de Malta i considerau c duc un rzboi sfnt cretin; destul de periculos pentru lumea

    musulman unde erau dislocai); la Cofer Black, unul dintre personalitile de baz ale

    companiei, fost agent CIA, cel care a avut meritul de al captura pe teroristul nr.1 din lume de

    pn la ascensiunea lui bin Laden, Carlos acalul; la recrutarea comandourilor chiliene, ocazie

    cu care acumulm ceva cunotine istorice despre Chile. Dar, n cea mai mare parte, cartea

    vorbete despre operaiunile periculoase i inumaneale mercenarilor n Irak (n calitate de

    ageni de securitate ai oficialilor). Cu toate acestea, nu sunt ignorate nici capitolele referitoare

    la aciunile i incidentele din Afganistan, Iordania, chiar din SUA, unde soldaii privai chipurile

    au dat o mn de ajutor la nlturarea consecinelor uraganului Catrina, ocazie cu care i-a

    deschis o nou direcie de dezvoltare n acest sens.

    Iat i cele cteva incursiuni n carte pe care le-am selectat:

    Existena unei armate puternice din umbr permitea purtarea unui rzboi nepopular, dus desoldai a cror moarte nu era contabilizat i nici raportat. A servit la pstrarea unei ciorne,care putea face continuarea rzboiului nejustificabil din punct de vedere politic, neoficial. Adistrus, totodat, diplomaia internaional, pentru c administraianu avea nevoie sconstruiasc o coaliie a voinei: a nchiriat o for de ocupaie. Erau angajai mercenari dinri care nu aveau interes direct n rzboi sau ale cror guverne naionale se opuneaurzboiului i erau folisii dretp carne de tun ieftin.n limbajul de strad, ei sunt traficanii, iar guvernul este dependentul de droguri.Acestecompanii nu sunt simple mere stricate. Ele sunt fructele unui copac otrvitor.Noua conducere civil de la Pentagon (se vorbete despre administraia Bush)a preluatputerea avnd dou eluri importante: schimbarea regimului politic al unor state considerate

    de importan strategic i punerea n aplicare a celei mai rapide operaiuni de privatizare iexternaizare din istoria armatei americane o adevrat revoluie a sistemului militar.Aceast campanie a devenit de neoprit dup 11 septembrie.Astzi, Blackwater numr peste 2300 de mercenari desfurai n nou ri, inclusiv n SUA.Are o baz de date care conine 21000 de foti membri ai Forelor Speciale, soldai i ageniguvernamentali n retragere su pensionai, pe care i poate convoca n regim de urgen.Blackwater are propria flot alctuit din peste douzeci aparate de zbor, inclusiv elicopterede atac io divizie de supraveghere antiradar. Sediul central din Moyock, Carolina de Nord, cuo suprafa de aproape 30000 de metri ptrai, este cea mai mare baz militar privat.Compania are propria divizie de spionaj, numrnd printre directori nume importante de fotioficiali militari din domeniul informaiilor secrete.

    Cu forele armate interne mpuinate pn la limit i un proiect abandonat din motivepolitice, guvernul american ncearc din rsputeri s gseasc aliai ai rii dispui s participe

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    la operaiunile de ocupaie din rzboiul mondial mpotriva terorismului. Dac armatelenaionale ale altor state nu se vor altura coaliiei celor doritori, Blackwater i aliaii si au oalt soluie: o internaionalizare alternativ a forei obinute prin recrutarea soldailor privaidin lumea ntreag. Chiar dac guvernele strine nu sunt interesate, soldaii strini muliprovenind din state care se opun rzboilui condus de SUA pot fi totui nrolai, n schimbul

    unui anumit pre. Acest proces, afirm criticii, reprezint o subminare a nsi existeneiprincipiilor de suveranitate i autodeterminare ale statului naional. Folosirea tot maiaccentuat a contractorilor face ca rzboaiele s fie mai uor de strnit i de purtat; e nevoiedoar de bani, nu i de ceteni.Despre primul lider socialist ales pe cale democratic i rsturnat de SUA, tii de ce?

    calea chilian ctre socialism. Acesta a inclus naionalizarea industriilor, implementareasistemelor de sntate i nvmnt conduse de guvern, redistribuirea pmntului, campaniimpotriva analfabetismului i programe prin care se oferea gratuit lapte copiilor.i unele declaraii ale oficialilor americani despre regimul incomod:

    Nici mcar o nuc sau un cui nu vor ajunge n Chile ct timp Allende e preedinte. Vom facetot ce ne st n putere s condamnm statul i locuitorii lui la foamete i srcie.Iar soldaii armatei generalului Pinochet, cel care l-a dat jos pe Allende, narmai cu dorina de

    snge i teroare, au ajuns, ntr-un trziu, soldai privai ai Blackwater.Ceea ce ar trebui s fieo ruine naional se transform ntr-un avantaj de pia datorit privatizrii rzboiului dinIrak.Ageniile de informaii americane i armata au folosit companii aviatice private pentru atrimite prizonieri n toat umea, n special n timpul rzboiului mpotriva terorismului aladministraiei Bush. Prin acest program clandestin, prizonierii sunt uneori dui n ri cuprobleme serioase de respectare a drepturilor omului, unde sunt interogai departe de oricesupraveghere sau procese care s-ar impune.Programul de extrdare nu a fost nfiinat de administraia Bush, ci a luat fiin n timpuladministraiei Clinton, la mijlocul anilor 1990. CIA, cu aprobarea Casei Albe i a unei directiveprezideniale, a nceput s trimit suspeci de terorism n Egipt, unde, izolai de legileamericane i procesele corespunztoare, puteau fi interogai de ageni mukhabarat.Se rpeau oameni din Afganistan, Pakistan i alte locuri fierbini i eraudui la nchisoareaamerican de la Baza Guantanamo, Cuba majoritatea urmnd a fi reinui ani de zile fr a fiacuzai, declarai inamici combatani i fr acces la vreun sistem juridic. Alii erau inui nnchisori de iad din Afganistan i alte ri.Blackwater are puterea i influena asupra administraiei care face s cread c poate fi ofor mai puternic dect NATO, de exemplu, ntr-un loc precum Darfur. Ceea ce nseamn c,dintr-o dat, ai o companie care opereaz pe profit, plimbndu-se n jurul lumii, mai puternicdect statele; poate induce schimbarea de regim, probabil, acolo unde vrea s mearg; separe c are tot sprijinul necesar din partea administraiei. Se ridic semne de ntrebare legatede democraii, influen politic n lume, despre relaiile din unele ri.Cine determin de

    fapt pacea i rzboiul n lume?Cine determin de fapt pacea i rzboiul n lume?

    Omul care a condus armata privat dinumbr a Americii se ntoarce acummpotriva guvernului de la Washington.Cine este Erik Prinde, fondatorulBlackwater?

    24 nov 2013Autor:Mdlina Misil

    http://www.zf.ro/autor/madalina-misaila/http://www.zf.ro/autor/madalina-misaila/http://www.zf.ro/autor/madalina-misaila/http://www.zf.ro/autor/madalina-misaila/
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    Fondatorul programului militar american Blackwater, Erik Prince, cunoscut drept creatorul armatei dinumbr a SUA, critic guvernul de la Washington ntr-un volum publicat recent, n care vorbete desprerzboaiele Americii mpotriva terorii din Afghanistan i Iraq, scrie The Wall Street Journal.

    Fost combatant n trupele Navy Seals, provenit dintr-o familie bogat, Prince este mna invizibil dinrzboaiele mpotriva terorii pe care le-a dus America. Compania pe care o conduce s-a ocupat depregtirea echipelor paramilitare de atac ale Ageniei Centrale de Informaii CIA i a trimis drone despionaj n Pakistan, n baza unui contract cu guvernul american, prin care primea 2 miliarde de dolari.

    Agenii armatei private Blackwater au fost acuzai, printre altele, c au fost implicai ntr-o serie deevenimente tragice i c aciunile lor au dus la pierderea a 17 viei umane n Iraq, ntr-o misiune deprotecie a unui angajat al Departamentului de Stat.

    n prezent, Prince a renunat la afacerile care implicau pregtirea armatelor americane pentru luptampotriva terorismului i i promoveaz cartea Lupttorii civili: povestea din interiorul Blackwater i

    eroii necunoscui ai rzbioului mpotriva terorii, n care prezint poveti din interior, menite s clarificeevenimentele nelese greit de ctre populaie.

    Povestea lui Prince ncepe nc din faculta te, cnd s-a alturat departamentului local de pompierivoluntari, devenind un scafandru de salvare. Dup terminarea facultii, dei provenea dintr-o familiebogat, el s-a nrolat n trupele Navy Seals. Prince a prsit armata dup moartea subit a tatlui sui dup diagnosticarea soiei sale cu cancer la sn i a decis nfiinarea unei companii proprii,modeste, care oferea servicii de pregtire militar.

    Dup atacul terorist de la 11 septembrie 2001, afacerea sa a crescut exponenial. Prince a ctigatnumeroase contracte pentru a le asigura securitatea dipomailor i politicienilor n Iraq. De asemenea,Informaiile furnizate de Prince n cadrul nelegerii cu fostul director CIA, Leon Panetta, au ajutat ladiminuarea puterii talibanilor i a reelei teroriste Al Qaeda. n schimb, Panetta a dezvluit locaiabazei secrete de pregtire, care se afla pe proprietatea lui Prince, n Virginia.

    De asemenea, compania sa a fost acuzat c agenii trimii n misiune de Blackwater au ieit din sferaatribuiilorprimite i au acionat pe cont propriu. Prince neag aceste acuzaii, spunnd c dimpotriv,viaa unor americani ar fi putut fi salvat dac acetia nesocoteau instruciunile guvernului. El dexemplu un eveniment petrecut n 2009, la o baz militar dinAfghanistan, cnd un informatoriordanian considerat de ncredere a ptruns n baz i a detonat o vest cu exploziv, ducnd lapierderea a zece viei. El spune c acest lucru nu s-ar fi ntmplat dac agenii lui ar fi nclcat regulilei l-ar fi verificat nainte de ptrunderea n baza militar.

    http://www.zf.ro/business-international/omul-care-a-condus-armata-privata-din-umbra-a-americii-se-intoarce-acum-impotriva-guvernului-de-la-washington-cine-este-erik-prinde-fondatorul-blackwater-11716389/poze/http://www.zf.ro/business-international/omul-care-a-condus-armata-privata-din-umbra-a-americii-se-intoarce-acum-impotriva-guvernului-de-la-washington-cine-este-erik-prinde-fondatorul-blackwater-11716389/poze/
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    Activitile companiei Blackwater s-au diminuat cnd preedintele american Barack Obama s-adistanat n 2009 de politicile de rzboi ale fostului preedinte, George W. Bush. Obama a ntreruptlegturile cu Prince, care a vndut compania n 2010 i s-a mutat n Abu Dhali. El a fost implicat ntr-oserie de noi controverse, printre care acuzaia de nclcare a embargoului Naiunilor Unite asupraarmelor n Somalia.

    Dup ncetarea legturilor cu guvernul american,Erik Prince consider c munca sa i-a adussatisfacia urmririlor penale motivate politic, proceselor oportuniste i caricaturizarea intens dinpartea presei. Blackwater are una dintre cele mai rele reputaii n memoria colectiv recent, spune el.

    n prezent, Prince ctig milioane de dolari dintr-un fond de investiii, Frontier Resource Group, careopereaz n mai mult de 12 ri din Africa. Firma construiete o rafinrie n Sudanul de Sud, deine ofabric de ciment n Republica Democrat Congo i vizeaz preluarea sondelor de petrol inactive,distruse de rebelii din Nigeria.

    Blackw ater: The Rise of the World's Most Powerful Mercenary Arm yis a book written by

    independent journalistJeremy Scahill,published by Nation Books in 2007, as a history and

    analysis ofBlackwater USA,now called Academi. It won aGeorge Polk Book Award.[1]

    Contents

    [hide]

    1 Synopsis 2 Media attention 3 Editions 4 References

    5 External links

    Synopsis[edit]

    The book details the rise ofBlackwater USA,aprivate military company,and the growth of

    security contracting in theIraq Warand theWar on Terrorism.In the book, Scahill contends

    that Blackwater exists as amercenaryforce, and argues that Blackwater's rise is a

    consequence of the demobilisation of theUS militaryfollowing theCold Warand its

    overextension inIraqandAfghanistan.He describes further how Blackwater (at the time of

    writing) serves in Iraq and Afghanistan like, in his judgement, aPraetorian Guard,protecting

    top authority figures and enjoying immunity from the usual constraints and regulations on

    traditional armies. Scahill argues that Blackwater's leadership was motivated by a right-

    wingRepublicanideology, and that its founder,Erik Prince,has provided significant

    assistance in that venue. Blackwater is also present in some parts of Pakistan.

    A federal jury has returned guilty verdicts against four Blackwater operatives

    involved in the 2007 massacre at Baghdads Nisoor Square. On Wednesday, the

    jury found one guard, Nicholas Slatten, guilty of first-degree murder, while three

    other guards were convicted of voluntary manslaughter: Paul Slough, Evan

    Liberty and Dustin Heard. The jury is still deliberating on additional charges

    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s_Most_Powerful_Mercenary_Army#Editionshttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Blackwater:_The_Rise_of_the_World's_Most_Powerful_Mercenary_Army#Media_attentionhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Blackwater:_The_Rise_of_the_World's_Most_Powerful_Mercenary_Army#Synopsishttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Blackwater:_The_Rise_of_the_World's_Most_Powerful_Mercenary_Armyhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Blackwater:_The_Rise_of_the_World's_Most_Powerful_Mercenary_Army#cite_note-1http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Polk_Awardshttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Blackwater_Worldwidehttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jeremy_Scahill
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    against the operatives, who faced a combined 33 counts. The operatives were

    tried for the deaths of 14 of the 17 Iraqi civilians who died when their Blackwater

    unit opened fire. We speak to Jeremy Scahill, author of the best-selling book

    "Blackwater: The Rise of the Worlds Most Powerful Mercenary Army." His most

    recent article published by The Intercept is "Blackwater Founder Remains Free &Rich While His Former Employees Go Down on Murder Charges."

    TRANSCRIPT

    This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.

    NERMEEN SHAIKH:A federal jury has returned guilty verdicts against four

    Blackwater operatives involved in the 2007 massacre at Baghdads Nisoor

    Square. On Wednesday, the jury found one guard, Nicholas Slatten, guilty of first-degree murder, while three other guards were convicted of voluntary

    manslaughterPaul Slough, Evan Liberty and Dustin Heard. The jury is still

    deliberating on additional charges against the operatives, who faced a combined

    33 counts. The operatives were tried for the deaths of 14 of the 17 Iraqi civilians

    who died when their Blackwater unit opened fire. Nisoor Square is the highest-

    profile deadly incident involving Blackwater or any private war contractor.

    AMY GOODMAN:For more, Jeremy Scahill is still with us, co-founder

    ofTheIntercept.org,author of the best-selling book, Blackwater: The Rise of theWorlds Most Powerful Mercenary Army. His most recentarticlepublished by The

    Interceptis headlined "Blackwater Founder Remains Free and Rich While His

    Former Employees Go Down on Murder Charges." Take it from there, Jeremy.

    JEREMY SCAHILL:Yeah, I mean, the point here is that these four individuals

    and then there was another Blackwater operative who pleaded to lesser charges

    earlier in the process and then actually testified against his former colleagues at

    Blackwaterthis is an extremely important verdict, because were talking about a

    mercenary industry, a war industry, that has largely operated in a Wild West

    atmosphere, where theres absolutely no accountability. So, while we only have a

    handful of people being held accountable for what were very widespread crimes

    committed by Blackwater and other private military companies, this is a very

    important moment for the victims of Nisoor Square. And theyve fought for many

    years in both civil courts and criminal courts to try to get justice for their loved

    ones who were killed.

    But lets be clear here. Blackwater was a part of an unlawful global war that wasborderless in nature, launched by George W. Bush and Dick Cheney, with the

    https://firstlook.org/theintercept/https://firstlook.org/theintercept/https://firstlook.org/theintercept/https://firstlook.org/theintercept/2014/10/22/blackwater-guilty-verdicts/https://firstlook.org/theintercept/2014/10/22/blackwater-guilty-verdicts/https://firstlook.org/theintercept/2014/10/22/blackwater-guilty-verdicts/https://firstlook.org/theintercept/2014/10/22/blackwater-guilty-verdicts/https://firstlook.org/theintercept/
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    support of Democrats in the U.S. Congress, and President Obama has continued

    to use mercenary forces. None of the people that unleashed these forces on the

    world, at the highest levels, are being held accountable. Dick Cheneys not going

    to be held accountable. Donald Rumsfelds not going to be held accountable. Erik

    Prince, the billionaire owner offounder of Blackwater, who has now startedanother mercenary firm targeting Africa, backed by Chinese capital, hes not

    going to be held accountable for this. Its just like at Abu Ghraib, where the low-On

    September 16, 2007, machine gun fire erupted in Baghdads Nisour Square, leaving

    seventeen Iraqi civilians dead, among them women and children. The shooting spree, labeled

    Baghdads Bloody Sunday, was neither the work of Iraqi insurgents nor U.S. soldiers. The

    shooters were private forces working for the secretive mercenary company, Blackwater

    Worldwide.

    This is the explosive story of a company that rose a decade ago from Moyock, North Carolina,

    to become one of the most powerful players in the War on Terror. In his gripping bestseller,

    award-winning journalist Jeremy Scahill takes us from the bloodied streets of Iraq to

    hurricane-ravaged New Orleans to the chambers of power in Washington, to expose

    Blackwater as the frightening new face of the U.S. war machine.

    The often overlooked subplot of the wars of the post-9/11 period is their unprecedentedscale of outsourcing and privatization, author Jeremy Scahill writes inThe Nation. From

    the moment the US troop buildup began in advance of the invasion of Iraq, the Pentagonmade private contractors an integral part of the operations. Even as the government gavethe public appearance of attempting diplomacy, Halliburton was prepping for a massiveoperation. When US tanks rolled into Baghdad in March 2003, they brought with them thelargest army of private contractors ever deployed in modern war. By the end ofRumsfeld's tenure in late 2006, there were an estimated 100,000 private contractors on theground in Iraq--an almost one-to-one ratio with active-duty American soldiers. ("BushsShadow Army," The Nation,4/2/2007)In his new book,Blackwater: The Rise of the World's Most Powerful Mercenary

    Army,Jeremy Scahill traces the explosive growth of Blackwater, USA, a private andsecretive mercenary company based in the wilderness of North Carolina. Scahill writesthat in less than a decade [Blackwater] has risen out of the swamp in North Carolina to

    become something of a Praetorian Guard for the Bush administration's global war onterror.According to Scahill, Blackwater has more than 2,300 soldiers deployed in nine countries.It maintains a database of 21,000 special forces troops and retired police that it coulddeploy at a moment's notice. It has a private fleet of more than 20 aircraft, includinghelicopter gunships. Its 7000-acre headquarters is the worlds largest private militaryfacility. It trains tens of thousands of law enforcement officials a year from the U.S. andother nations. It is currently constructing new facilities in California, Illinois, and a jungletraining facility in the Philippines. Blackwater has over $500 million in government

    contractsand that does not include black budget operations for U.S. intelligenceagencies or contracts with private corporations or foreign governments. One U.S.

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    Congressmember observed that Blackwater could overthrow many of the worldsgovernments.Blackwater is a private army, Scahill writes, and it is controlled by one person: Erik

    Prince, a radical right-wing mega-millionaire who has served as a bankroller not only ofPresident Bushs campaigns but of the broader Christian right agenda.

    Erik Princes father Edgar played a major role in creating and funding many right wingChristian political movements, such as James Dobsons Family Research Council. Scahill

    documents that Erik Prince has been in thethick of the right-wing effort to uniteconservative Catholics, evangelicals, and neoconservatives in a common theoconservativeholy warwith Blackwater serving as sort of armed wing of the movement. Prince saysEverybody carries guns, just like the Prophet Jeremiah rebuilding the temple in Israelasword in one hand and a trowel in the other.The book brings out the political climate among what Scahill calls the theocratic

    movement at the time Blackwater was founded in the mid-1990s. Many on the Christianright considered the newly elected Clinton administration illegitimate.First Things,a

    journal that Scahill calls the main organ of the theocratic movement, published a specialissue titled The End of Democracy, which featured essays that predicted a civil warscenario or Christian insurrection against the government. Erik Princes close friend,former Watergate conspirator turned Christian fascist, Charles Colson, wrote in the issue,A showdown between church and state is inevitable. This is not something for whichChristians should hope. But it is something for which they need to prepare.

    Blackwater and FallujahImmediately after 9/11 Blackwater landed a $5.4 million contract to provide 20 securityguards for the CIAs Kabul station. But a big break for the company came when it landeda $27 million contract for providing security for Paul Bremmer, who was in charge ofrunning the U.S. occupation of Iraq. The senior U.S. official in Iraq and the public face ofthe occupation, Bremer would not be protected by U.S. government forces or Iraqisecurity but by Blackwater. Scahill writes that the Blackwater soldiers sent to guardBremmer embodied the ugly American persona to a tee. Its guards were chiseled like

    bodybuilders and wore tackey wrap-around sunglasses. Many wore goatees and dressed inall-khaki uniforms with ammo vests or Blackwater t-shirts with the trademark bear clawin the crosshairs, sleeves rolled upTheir haircuts were short and they sported securityearpieces and lightweight machine guns. They bossed around journalists, ran Iraqi cars offthe road or fired rounds at cars if they got in the way of a Blackwater convoy (p. 71) The Blackwater company first came to public attention on March 31, 2004 when four ofits private soldiers in Iraq were ambushed and killed in Fallujah. People in the city

    dragged the bodies through the streets, burned them, and strung two of the mercenariesover the bridge over the Euphrates River.The press portrayed the incident as an Iraqi mob irrationally attacking contractorsnotarmed mercenarieswho were helping to rebuild Iraq. The headline in the ChicagoTribuneread, Iraqi Mob Mutilates Four American Civilians. Scahill illuminates thesituation in Fallujah before the attack on the Blackwater soldiers. During the 1991 GulfWar, Fallujah had been the site of a major massacre when a precision bomb hit a

    densely populated area smashing through a market and apartment complex killing over130 civilians. After U.S. troops occupied the city in 2003, U.S. troops opened fire on a

    peaceful demonstration killing 13 and wounding 75.

    The attack on the mercenaries was used as a pretext to launch a massive assault onFallujah delivering a horrific collective punishment to the whole city. Thousands of U.S.

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    troops invaded the city, 1000- and 2000-pound bombs were dropped, hospitals wereclosed so those injured could not get medical aid. Over 800 people died in the U.S. attackand tens of thousands were forced to flee. A reporter from Al Jazeera wrote, I went to the

    hospital. I could not see anything but a sea of corpses of children and women, and mostlychildrenThese were scenes that were unbelievable unimaginable. I was taking

    photographs and forcing myself to photograph while I was at the same time crying.Mercenaries from Titan and CAGI (two other mercenary groups) were involved in thetorture of prisoners at Abu Ghraib. According to a lawsuit filed by the Center forConstitutional Rights, Titan and CAGI conspired with U.S. officials to humiliate, tortureand abusepersons to win more contracts for their interrogation services. (p. 157)

    Not a single U.S. military contractor has been prosecuted for crimes committed in Iraq. Infact the contractors operate in a legal black hole where they seem to be immune from

    prosecution. One of Paul Bremmers last official acts before leaving Iraq was to signOrder #17, which said that contractors shall be immune from Iraqi legal processes withrespect to acts performed by them pursuant to the terms and conditions of any Contract to

    sub-contract thereto. (p. 163).In addition, until very recently, contractors have been immune from being charged by theU.S. under military law that governs U.S. troops. Blackwater also claims that it is immuneto civil suits filed in U.S. courts, because it is part of the U.S.s total force in Iraq. Inother words, the mercenaries in Iraq are literally above the law.In late 2006 Congress added an amendment to a Defense Department spending bill thatsaid that contractors could now be prosecuted by the military in military courts. Nonehave yet been charged. If its mercenaries were brought in front of military tribunals,Blackwater would likely challenge the right of the military to prosecute them.

    From Azerbaijan to New Orleans to the BorderScahills book is filled with rich exposure of the role that Blackwater is playing aroundthe world.Azerbaijan:Blackwater received a government contract in 2004 to train an elite Azeriforce modeled after U.S. Navy SEALs. Torture, police abuse, and excessive use of force

    by security forces is widespread in Azerbaijan, according to a Human Rights Watch

    Report quoted in the book. But, as Scahill brings out, the Bush administration wanted tobuild an oil pipeline through the country in order to get access to the large Caspian Sea oilreserves without going through Iran or Russia. They also wanted to use the country as aforward base of potential operations against Iran, which borders on Azerbaijan.Honduras:At an army base used by the CIA during the 1980s to train NicaraguanContras and the infamous U.S.-backed death squad Batallion 316, a private U.S. company

    prepared Honduran soldiers to work as mercenaries in Iraq. Scahill reports that thetrainees were told that where we are going everyone would be our enemy and wed have

    to look at them that way, because they would want to kill us and the gringos too. So wed

    have to be heartless when it was up to us to kill someone, even if it was a child.Chile:Blackwater has relied upon mercenaries that had served under brutal militarydictatorships. Nearly 1,000 Chileans, many of whom were part of the military dictatorshipof Augusto Pinochet have been trained by Blackwater and deployed to Iraq. Other recruitshave come from members of the military of apartheid South Africa.New Orleans: One hundred fifty heavily armed Blackwater troops in full battle gearincluding automatic weapons were deployed to New Orleans by the Department of

    Homeland Security. Scahill writes, what was desperately needed [in New Orleans] wasfood, water and housing. Instead what poured in fastest was guns. Lots of guns. A

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    Blackwater mercenary is quoted as saying: The only difference between here [New

    Orleans] and Iraq is that there are no roadside bombs.The Border:Blackwater has mounted a campaign and testified in Congressional hearingsarguing that its troops should be deployed on the U.S.-Mexico border.The rise of Blackwater and the increasing use of mercenaries by the U.S. raises many

    important questions. In a period of political crises could such a private army be part of amilitary coup? Is deploying mercenary troops around the world a means by which a U.S.empire could manage a global war for empire and domination without instituting a draft?Would such an army feel even less compulsion to respect international rules againsttorture and attacking civilians, and would the use of such forces insulate the U.S.government from accusations that it is carrying out war crimes? Readers interested infinding out more should check out this important book.