Sorin_purec Democraţia În Postmodernitate

7/27/2019 Sorin_purec Democraia n Postmodernitate

1/8

Analele Universit ii Constantin Brncui din Trgu Jiu, Seria Litere i tiine Sociale, Nr. 3/2009

Annals of the Constantin Brncui University of Trgu Jiu, Letters and Social Sciences Series, Issue 3/2009

49

DEMOCRAIA N

POSTMODERNITATE

Conf. univ. dr. Sorin PUREC,Universitatea Constantin Brncui din

Trgu-Jiu

Rezumat. Sistemul democratic nu maimplinete astzi ateptrile oamenilor care credeau n

el. Exportarea democraiei parlamentare clasice cu

separarea puterilor i pluralismul politic se dovedetea fi dificili se ndreapt ctre o uria criz dencredere. "Noile democraii " se afl n poziia de aalege o soluie originalcare oscileaz ntre valoriledemocraiei i cele ale autoritarismului.

Cuvinte cheie: democraie, postmodernitate,communism, fascism

Cderea comunismului a nsemnatvictoria universal a democraiei: dup

victoria asupra fascismului de la mijloculsecolului, c a venit i ora victoriei asupracomunismului [3, p.63]. Recunotem laRamonet modelul propus de F. Fukuyama nSfritul istoriei i ultimul om. Dar, n timp ceFukuyama vedea n aceastvictorie zorii uneinoi epoci de prosperitate, garantat deimpunerea democraiei n toate colurilelumii, pentru Ramonet acesta e nceputulsfritului. n primul rnd, bipolaritatea SUA- URSS (altfel zis, rzboiul rece) nu garanta

numai existena a dou blocuri politiceconcurente, ci i a dou ideologii:neoliberalismul i marxismul. Cdereacomunismului nu a nsemnat numai nceputulhegemoniei incontestabile a democraiei, caform de guvernare, dar i confirmareavalabilitii incontestabile a modeluluieconomic neoliberal. Acest model economicneoliberal, care crede cu sfinenie n faptul cpiaa va regla toate problemele de ordinsocial, indiferent de amploarea lor (contrar,

DEMOCRACY IN POSTMODERNISM

Assoc. Prof. PhD Sorin PUREC,Constantin Brncui University of Trgu-

Jiu

Abstract.The democratic system no longer fulfillspeoples expectations today who believed in it.

Exporting classical parliamentary democracy with

separation of powers and political pluralism isproving difficult and is going through a huge crisis ofconfidence. "New Democracies" are placed in aposition to choose an original solution that movesbetween the values democracy and of enlightenedauthoritarianism.

Key words: democracy, postmodernism,communism, fascism

The fall of communism meant theuniversal victory of democracy: after the

victory over fascism in the middle of thecentury, that time has come for the victoryover communism [3, p.63]. We recognize inRamonet the model proposed by F.Fukuyama in The end of history and the lastman. But, while Fukuyama saw in thisvictory the dawn of a new era of prosperity,guaranteed by imposing democracy all overthe world for Ramonet this is the beginningof the end. First, the U.S. - USSR bipolarity(otherwise called "Cold War") didnt

guarantee only the existence of twocompeting political blocs, but two ideologies:neoliberalism and Marxism. The fall ofcommunism has not only meant the

beginning of the irrefutable hegemony ofdemocracy as a form of government, but alsoconfirmed the irrefutable "validity" of theneoliberal economic model. The neoliberaleconomic model, which believes that "themarket will adjust all social problems,regardless of their scale (contrary, for

example, to the keynesien doctrine of the


2/8



50

de pild, doctrinei keynesiene a statuluiintervenionist n blocajele pieei) st la bazaglobalizrii.

Globalizarea, aadar, nu ar fi fost

posibil fr cderea comunismului, care apermis extinderea pieelor ctre jumtateacealalta lumii. Globalizarea are la baza ei ogndire economicde tip neoliberal.

Unde este ns sfritul democraiei, pecare Ramonet nu-l pomenete explicit, dar pecare i-l sugereaz n mod evident? Ei bine,sfritul democraiei se vede n sfritulnoiunii de suveranitate. Globalizarea obligrile ca, pe plan politic, sdevinmembre afel de fel de organizaii internaionale, iar pe

plan economic, s asculte de fel de fel depolitici financiare dictate de Fondul MonetarInternaional sau de Banca Mondial.Suveranitatea naional intr ntr-o faz dedescompunere, fiindc o parte a ei estetransferat acestor organisme suprastatalesau, n cazul economicului, organismelor

bancare internaionale i trusturilorinternaionale. Cu alte cuvinte, celor caredominpiaa mondial, actorilor financiaricare dominfinanciar tranzaciile bursiere de

pe ntreg globul.Unde duce pierderea suveranitii

naionale (nu numai n cazul statelorinsignifiante, precum Romnia, ci i n cazulmarilor democraii occidentale)? n primulrnd, acest lucru este echivalent cu o aruncarela gunoi a temeiului clasic al democraiei,ideea contractului social. Fr ndoialstupid din punct de vedere tiinific,demontat de antropologi politici precumGeorges Balandier sau Jean-WilliamLapierre, aceast idee continu s nefascineze dintr-un motiv foarte simplu: eareprezintprimul model coerent de explicarea suveranitii printr-un act de exprimare avoinei democratice a membrilor comunitii,nu prin vreun nebulos act de investiturdivin, sau ceva asemntor. Aa ne-aunvat Grotius, Hobbes, Locke i Rousseau;

pornind de la aceastidee, din patru n patruani semnm ntre noi un nou pact social

care s i numeasc pe cei ce ne reprezint.

interventionist state in market jams) is thebasis of globalization.

Globalization, therefore, would not havebeen possible without the fall of communism,

which allowed the expansion of markets tothe other half of the world. Globalization isbased on an economical thinking ofneoliberal type.

Where is, however, the end of democracy,that Ramonet doesnt mention explicitly, butclearly suggest it? Well, the end ofdemocracy seen in the end of the concept ofsovereignty. Globalization forces thecountries to, politically, become members ofall kind of international organizations, and

economically, to listen all kind of financialpolicies dictated by the InternationalMonetary Fund or World Bank. Nationalsovereignty enters a stage of decomposition,as a part of it is transferred to these superstate

bodies or, for the economy, internationalbanking organizations and internationaltrusts. In other words, to those who dominate"the global market, financial players thatdominate financially the exchangetransactions across the globe.

Where does the loss of nationalsovereignty (not only in the case ofinsignificant countries, such as Romania, butalso in the case of the great westerndemocracies)? First of all, this is equivalentto throwing garbage at the basis of classicaldemocracy, the idea of "social contract".Without a stupid doubt in terms of science,dismounted in parts by politicalanthropologists, as Georges Balandier orJean-William Lapierre, this idea continues tofascinate us for a very simple reason: itrepresents the first coherent model ofexplanation of sovereignty by an act ofdemocratic expression of will of thecommunity members, not by some nebulousact of "divine" investiture or somethingsimilar. This is how Grotius, Hobbes, Lockeand Rousseau thought us; starting from thisidea, from four years in four years we sign

between us a new "social pact" to appoint

those who represent us. It is actually the idea


3/8



51

Este chiar ideea care a stat la bazademocraiei. Dar ea a disprut, n clipa n carecei care ntruchipeazsuveranitatea, respectivguvernanii alei democratic, nceteaza mai

fi supui infrastructurii votanilor, adicdorinelor i aspiraiilor acestora, devenindsupuii suprastructurii economic-financiare:O putere care apare din ce n ce mai mult cafiind executantul, suplinitorul, lacheuladevrailor stpni ai lumii: pieelefinanciare [3, 78]. Guvernele nceteaz smai conteze, de fapt ele i pierd i difereneledoctrinare, deoarece oricum un guvern destnga va aplica aceleai politici ca unul dedreapta, i invers: ...adesea, guvernanii,

alei dupnite btlii electorale homerice, setrezesc neputincioi n faa unor foreredutabile, de anvergur planetar ... carelucreaz dup bunul lor plac, graie uneiaplicri stricte a bibliei neoliberale... [3,

p.70]. Acest fapt i obligpe toi guvernaniinou-alei, indiferent de meridian, s i uite

promisiunile electorale, sau s i le ncalce,de ndatce ajung la putere. Pentru coricumnu ei decid ce msuri saplice, cum, cnd iunde. Asta va decide piaa, mai precis - cei

care au puterea de a influena evoluia ei.Noua putere, trimite spre le pouvoir-

savoir de care vorbea Michel Foucault nSurveiller et punir: o putere fr chip,nevzut, mai mult orizontaldect vertical,dar nu mai puin coercitiv dect putereareprezentatsimbolic de un Rege sau un corplegiuitor puternic: Suntem pe cale strecemde la formele de putere autoritare, ierarhice,verticale, la forme negociate, reticulare,orizontale, mai civilizate, dar mai complexe[3, p.9].

Lui Winston Churchill i se atribuie fraza:Democratia, desi imperfecta si criticabila,este totusi indiscutabil cea mai putin readintre toate sistemele de guvernare. Cu 60de ani in urma cand erau rostite acestecuvinte, lumea abia iesise din razboiul contrafascismului si se parea ca este si o victorie ademocratiei. Dar chiar daca ar fi cea mai

buna dintre toate formele rele de conducere,

asta nu e deajuns pentru a subscrie la toate

that stood at the basis of democracy. But itdisappeared, in the minute that those whoembody the sovereignty, the democraticallyelected governors, stop being subjected to

infrastructure voters, meaning, to their desiresand aspirations, becoming subjects of theeconomic and financial superstructure: "A

power that appears more and more as thecontractor, the substitute, the lackey to thetrue masters of the world: the financialmarkets [3, 78]. Governments cease tomatter, they actually lose their doctrinaldifferences, because anyway a "left"government will apply the same policy as a"right" one, and vice versa: "... often

governors elected after some Homericelectoral battles, wake up helpless in the faceof redoubtable forces, planet-wide ... workingfor the good of their own, thanks to a strictapplication of the neoliberal Bible ... "[3,

p.70] This fact obliges all newly electedgovernors, regardless of the meridian, toforget the election promises, or to violatethem as soon as he gets to power. Because,however, they do not decide which measuresto apply, how, when and where. That will be

decided by "the market", more precisely -those who have the power to influence itsevolution.

New power, sends to "le pouvoir - savoir"that Michel Foucault spoke of in Surveiller et

punir: a power without a face, unseen, morehorizontal than vertical, but not less coercivethan the power symbolically represented by aKing or a strong legislative body: "We areabout to move from authoritarian forms of

power, hierarchical, vertical, to negotiatedforms, spidery, horizontal, more civilized, butmore complex" [3, p.9].

Winston Churchill is given the phrase:"Democracy, though imperfect, and critic, itis though indisputably the least bad of allgovernance systems". 60 years ago when heuttered these words, people had just got outof the war against fascism and it seemed thatit was also a victory of democracy. But evenif it was the best of all bad leadership forms,

that's not enough to subscribe to all its


4/8



52

defectele ei. S-a prabusit si comunismulsovietic, dar sperantele puse in epoca ce s-adeschis nu s-au confirmat. China si Rusia au

preluat capitalismul vestic, dar nu inteleg sa

preia si modelul democratiei occidentale.Libertatea de opinie, drepturile omului,alegerile democratice, capata o serioasaconcurenta in formula statului autoritar, careeconomic este o solutie plina de succes. Si totmai multe tari din Africa si Asia, dar si dinalte colturi ale lumii, sunt atrase de unasemenea model.

In acelasi timp in tarile occidentale areloc o scadere continua a participariielectoratului la urne, partidele traditionale isi

reduc numarul membrilor, se duce lipsa decandidati competenti pentru posturileeligibile, interesul oamenilor pentru politicas-a micsorat. La marea provocare ce se

profileaza la orizont, democratia occidentalase arata incapabila sa dea o ripostaconvingatoare. Iar exportul modeluluisocietal american s-a dovedit un esec pe toatalinia.

Definitia democratiei, in acceptia eimoderna, se poate reduce la doua

caracteristici: respectarea drepturilor omului,asa cum sint inscrise in Carta ONU, si gradulde participare al poporului la exercitarea

puterii in tara respectiva. Dar despre ceparticipare a poporului reala poate fi vorbaacolo unde fortele economice exercita dinumbra o presiune irezistibila asupra celor

politice, desi acestea afirma ca au fost liberalese ? Am fost martorii unei vaste campaniielectorale in SUA, unde fiecare dintrecandidati arata public sumele impresionante

pe care le-au primit, in mod perfect legal, dinpartea diferitelor companii si persoane.

Organizatia Freedom House, finantatapartial de guvernul american, iar partial dinfonduri private, considera ca dupa douadecenii de progres, lumea liberainregistreaza de vreo doi ani un regres. Harta

pe care o publica pe site-ul sau internet aratacca.40 % din mapamond colorat in rosu (tarice nu sunt libere), aproape 40 % colorat in

verde (tari libere) si cca. 20 % in galben,

defects. Even the Soviet communismcollapsed, but the hopes placed in the openera have not been confirmed yet. China andRussia have taken over western capitalism,

but they dont understand to take also themodel of Western democracy. Freedom ofopinion, human rights, democratic elections,received a serious competition in theauthoritarian state formula, whicheconomically is a successful solution. Andmore and more countries from Africa andAsia, but also from other corners of the worldare attracted by such model.

Meanwhile in the Western countries thereis a continuous decline in the participation of

the electorate in turnout, the traditionalparties reduced the number of memberslacking of competent candidates for theeligible posts, peoples interest for politics isslightly depressed. In the great challenge thatis perceived on the horizon, Westerndemocracy is indignant unable to give aconvincing riposte. And the U.S. societalmodel export has proved a failure on theentire line.

Definitions of democracy in its modern

acceptation may be reduced to two features:respect for human rights, as they areregistered in the UN Charter, and the degreeof participation of the people to exercise

power in that country. But what real"participation of the people" can be therewhere economic forces exercise in theshadows an irresistible pressure over the

political ones, although these say they werefreely chosen? We've witnessed a widecampaign in the U.S., where each of thecandidates showed in public impressiveamounts they received, perfectly legal, fromvarious companies and individuals.

The organization Freedom House, fundedin part by the U.S. government, and partlyfrom private funds, considers that after twodecades of progress, "the free world" recordsfrom a couple of years regression. On a map

published on its website showing cca.40% ofthe world colored in red (countries that are

not free), almost 40% colored in green (free


5/8



53

tari ce sunt numai partial libere. In opiniaacestei organizatii de tendinta conservatoare,

printre tarile nelibere, alaturi de China,Cuba, Coreea de nord, Vietnam unde sunt la

putere regimuri comuniste, mai figureazaRusia, Belorusia, Birmania, Iran, Siria,Sudan, Algeria, Tunisia, Libia, Angola,Congo, cateva tari asiatice din CSI, o serie detari africane, s.a. In tarile semi-libere suntconsiderate Albania, Turcia, Georgia, Rep.Moldova, Afganistanul, Tailanda, Filipine,

Nepal, Etiopia, Maroc, Nigeria, Mozambic,Columbia, Bolivia, Paraguay, Ecuador, Haiti,s.a. S-ar parea ca drept principal criteriu alacordarii calificativului libertatii este

atitudinea guvernului respectivei tari fata deStatele Unite sau Israel, caci de pilda pe hartasunt libere Mongolia si Ucraina, darnelibere - Arabia Saudita si Egipt.

Democratia primeste astazi lovituri si dealta natura. Intr-o serie de tari din lumea atreia au loc alegeri libere, dar ele suntcastigate de partide radicale, ca de pilda inPalestina (Hamas) sau in Nepal (maoistii),fapt ce ridica occidentului dilema daca vocea

poporului, liber exprimata, legitimeaza

recunoasterea unor regimuri autoritare sauchiar cu trasaturi extremiste. In Rusia, Putin a

jucat si joaca cu maestrie rolul principal inpiesa democratiei (alegerile au fost castigatedoar cu 70 % din voturi), dar rezultatul esteo democratura. Indeosebi in Africa si Asiaoamenii au devenit cinici, deoarece chiarunde valorile occidentale sunt laudate in guramare (de pilda in Filipine), democratia nu aadus nici o imbunatatire in viata populatiei.Preturile la alimente, dictate de piatamondiala, au condus - acolo unde guvernelesunt incapabile si coruptia e regula generala la neincredere generala in institutiile statului.Peste tot acolo in aer pluteste dorul dupa unautoritarism pragmatic, de tip chinezesc,lucru ce l-a inteles si batranul om de stat, LeeKuan Yew, care ani de zile a condusSingapore in mod patriarhal, dar eficient sicare spune : Democratia occidentala nu e

potrivita pentru noi. Noi mergem pe drumul

propriu, o cale mult mai buna pentru noi.

countries) and approx. 20% - in yellow,countries that are only partially open. In theopinion of this conservative organizationtrend, the non free countries, along with

China, Cuba, North Korea, Vietnam wherecommunist regimes are in power, there arelisted also Russia, Belarus, Burma, Iran,Syria, Sudan, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya,Angola, Congo, some Asian countries of CIS,a number of African countries, s.o. "Semi-free" countries are considered Albania,Turkey, Georgia, Rep. Moldova,Afghanistan, Thailand, Philippines, Nepal,Ethiopia, Morocco, Nigeria, Mozambique,Colombia, Bolivia, Paraguay, Ecuador, Haiti,

s.o. It would seem that as the main criterionfor the delivery of the freedom qualificativeis the country government attitude towardsthe United States or Israel, as for example onthe map are listed as "free" Mongolia andUkraine, but as "not free" - Saudi Arabia andEgypt.

Democracy receives today other type ofstrikes. In a number of Third World countriesthere are held free elections, but they are won

by radical parties, for example in Palestine

(Hamas) or in Nepal (maoists), which raises adilemma for the West if the voice of people,freely expressed, legitimize the recognition ofauthoritarian regimes or even with extremefeatures. In Russia, Putin has played withmasters and plays the main role in thedemocracy song (elections were won "only"with 70% of votes), but the result is a"democrature. Especially in Africa and Asia

people have become cynical, because evenwhere Western values are highly praised (forexample in the Philippines), democracy hasnot brought any improvement in the lives ofthe population. Prices of food, dictated by theworld market, led - where governments areunable and corruption is the general rule toless confidence in state institutions in general.Everywhere floats in the air a yearning for

pragmatic authoritarianism, of Chinese type,thing understood by the old state - man, LeeKuan Yew, who for years has led Singapore

in a patriarchal, but effective mode and which


6/8



54

Si in vest a inceput sa se inteleaga cademocratia nu poate fi impusa, ci trebuiecastigata prin eforturi de fiecare popor. ChiarStatele Unite au avut de parcurs o cale lunga

pana cand, abia pe la mijlocul anilor 1960,negrii au obtinut drepturi egale prin lupta luiMartin Luther King. Dar atractia modeluluiamerican a pierdut mult din forta chiar inoccident, indeosebi prin cazul torturii dininchisoarea Guantanamo, incalcarea regulilorinternationale in atacarea Irakului, bruscareaaliatilor prin rapirea unor cetateni sinchiderea lor in lagare secrete ale CIA s.a.

Nu asa trebuie sa arate idealurile democraticeale vestului. n luna aprilie 2008, un sondaj al

institutului Gallup a aratat ca peste 70 %dintre americani cred ca tara lor merge acumintr-o directie gresita. Imaginea simplista aneoconservatorilor despre politica externaamericana ca solutie miraculoasa pentru toaterelele omenirii este acum sfaramata intandari. Nici macar candidatul republican la

presedintie, McCain, nu mai amintea nimic incampania sa despre un mars triumfal alvalorilor americane, i preconizeazamultilateralismul, consultarea celorlalte tari

ale lumii in problemele grave ale omenirii.In revista germana Der Spiegel (5 mai

2008) se arata ca democratia nu mai este, inochii celor ce ii cantaresc lipsurile siavantajele, un non-plus-ultra spre caretrebuie tins, iar autocratia nu mai e, mereu si

pentru toti, o sperietoare. Atat timp catdemocratia ramane un sistem impus din afara,ea se pune pe sine in discutie, mai ales candin practica este redusa la aspectele formale. Afi tolerant cu experienta altora si intelegatorcu ele, este si aceasta o dovada de spiritdemocratic. Good governance, adicaconducerea spre binele poporului, nu edesigur posibila fara participarea acestuia; darnu neaparat prin interventia occidentului. In

Nigeria, tara de peste 120 milioane locuitori,s-au creat o multime de partide dupa modeluloccidental, dar repede ele au devenit nisteinstrumente ale diferitilor oameni de afaceri.Indeosebi acolo unde intervin si partide

etnice, competitia electorala democratica se

says: "Western Democracy is not right for us.Were going on our own way, a much betterway for us. "

The West began also to understand that

democracy can not be imposed, but it must bewon through the efforts of each nation. Eventhe United States had come a long way sinceonly in the mid-1960, Black people obtainedequal rights through the fight of MartinLuther King. But the attraction of theAmerican model lost a lot of strength even inthe West, especially in the case of torturefrom Guantanamo prison, violatinginternational rules in the attacking of Iraq, therush of the allies through abduction of

citizens and placing them in custody in secretCIA camps s.o. Not like this must appear theideals of the democratic West. In April 2008,a Gallup institute poll showed that over 70%of Americans believe their country now goesinto a wrong direction. The simplistic imageof neo-conservatisms about American foreign

policy as a miraculous solution for all theevils of mankind is now broken to pieces. Noteven the Republican candidate for president,McCain, didnt mention anything in his

campaign about a triumphal march ofAmerican values, and expectsmultilateralism, consultation with the otherworld countries in serious problems ofmankind.

In the German magazine "Der Spiegel"(5May 2008) it is shown that democracy is nolonger, in the eyes of those who weight theadvantages and shortcomings, a "non-plus-ultra" to be tended to, and autocracy is notalways and for all, a scarecrow. As long asdemocracy remains a system imposed fromoutside, it puts itself up, especially when in

practice is reduced to formal aspects. To betolerant of others' experience andunderstanding with them, is a proof ofdemocratic spirit. "Good governance",namely leadership to the good of the people,of course is not possible without their

participation, but not necessarily through theintervention of the West. In Nigeria, a

country of over 120 million inhabitants, there


7/8



55

ascute pana la ciocniri armate. Printreoamenii ce se simt nefericiti astazi, cei maimulti sunt cei din tarile ce au apartinutspatiului sovietic si in Irak, care sunt

nostalgici dupa fostul regim. Democratia nuface in mod automat pe oameni fericiti, darmai curand oamenii fericiti sunt cei ce facdemocratia.

Coreea de sud sau Taiwanul, au fostdictaturi cateva decenii, dar odata cucresterea nivelului de trai si a educatiei

populatiei, ele si-au putut permite si libertateapolitica. Exemplul Chinei contrazice insa siaceasta formula. Dintr-o tara aflata in saracieabsoluta, ea s-a desvoltat cu pasi uriasi in

numai 30 de ani, iar populatia este in maremajoritate satisfacuta. Presedintele Hu Jintaodeclara pe drept cuvant : Noi suntem cei cein realitate garantam drepturile omului, atuncicand asiguram hrana pentru 1,3 miliarde decetateni ai statului!. Se dezvolta rapid siIndia, cel mai mare stat democratic din lume,desi nu in ritmul Chinei, deoarece are

probleme complicate cu numeroaseleminoritati etnice si religioase.

Este dificil sa se traga o concluzie ferma

despre avantajele unui sistem democratic fatade cele al unui regim autoritar inteleptcondus. Democratia parlamentara de tipWestminster, cu separarea puterilor si

pluralism politic, trece in acesti ani printr-ocriza de incredere si este greu exportabila.Multi oameni politici ai unor tari mici,confruntati cu dificultati greu de depasit,viseaza sa puna mana pe putere cu forta sau

prin alegeri trucate si sa instaleze un regimautoritar, indepartandu-si cat mai mult timpadversarii, nu atat pentru obtinerea deavantaje pentru ei si cercul de sustinatori, ci

pentru a proceda neturburati la reformeeconomice si sociale radicale menite sa ajutestarea celor multi. Cu asemenea promisiuni

pline de sperante, puterea o pot cuceri atataventurieri, preocupati de interesul propriu,cat si idealisti cinstiti si talentati, devotati

propasirii natiunii. Important este caelectoratul sa nu confunde promisiunile false,

cu cele sincere si veritabile. Dar si mai

were created many parties after the Westernmodel, but they quickly have become tools ofvarious business man. Especially where thereintervene ethnic parties, "democratic"

electoral competition is sharpened to violentarmed conflicts. Among people who feelunhappy today, most are from the countriesthat belonged to the Soviet space and in Iraq,which are nostalgic after the former regime.Democracy does not automatically make

people happy, but sooner happy people arethe ones that make democracy.

South Korea or Taiwan, weredictatorships few decades, but with theincrease of their living standards and the

education of the population, they were able toallow politic freedom also. The example ofChina contradicts this formula. In a countrysituated in absolute poverty, it evolved withgiant steps in only 30 years, and the

population is largely satisfied in majority.President Hu Jintao declared in the rightword: "We are the ones that really guaranteehuman rights, when assure food for 1.3

billion citizens of the state." India developsrapidly also, the largest democracy in the

world, although not at the pace of China,because it has complicated problems withnumerous ethnic and religious minorities.

It is difficult to draw a firm conclusionabout the benefits of a democratic systemfrom an authoritarian regime led wise.Parliamentary Westminster Democracy type,with separation of powers and political

pluralism, in these years goes through a crisisof confidence and it is difficult export. Many

politicians from small countries, confrontedwith difficulties hard to overcome, dream to

put a hand on power by force or by fakeelections and install an authoritarian regime,cutting out as much as possible theiradversaries, not only for obtaining benefitsfor them and their circle of supporters, but to

proceed untroubled to the economic andsocial reforms aimed at helping the radicalstate of many others. With such hopeful

promises, power can be conquered both by

adventurers, concerned with their own


8/8



56

important este sa evite a acorda increderea lorcelor pe care ii banuiesc ca doresc odemocratie doar de fatada, pentru uzulstrainatatii, la interior aplicand insa regimul

autoritar al conducatorului unic, cu sufocareavocii opozitiei.

Bibliografie

1. Francis Fukuyama, America larascruce - Democratia, puterea si

mostenirea neoconservatoare, EdituraAntet XX, 2006

2.

Francis Fukuyama, Sfarsitul istorieisi ultimul om , Editura Paideia

3. Ignacio Ramonet: Geopoliticahaosului, Editura Doina, 1998.

4. Thomas L. Pangle, The Ennobling ofDemocracy: The Challenge of the

Postmodern Age, JHU Press, 1993

interests, as well as honest idealistic andtalented, committed to the nations

prosperity. It is important that voters do notconfuse false promises, with the sincere and

genuine ones. But more important is to avoidgiving their confidence to those suspected towant a democracy only by facade, for foreignuse, but in the interior applying theauthoritarian regime of single chief, with thechoking of the opposition voice.

Bibliography

1. Francis Fukuyama,America la rascruce -Democratia, puterea si mostenirea

neoconservatoare,, Publisher Antet XX,2006

2. Francis Fukuyama, Sfarsitul istoriei siultimul omEd Paideia

3. Ignacio Ramonet: Geopolitica haosului,Publisher Doina, 1998.

4. Thomas L. Pangle, The Ennobling ofDemocracy: The Challenge of the

Postmodern Age, JHU Press, 1993

Sorin_purec Democraţia În Postmodernitate

Documents

Transcript of Sorin_purec Democraţia În Postmodernitate