Sfera Politicii 168

EDITORIALSonia Catrina

DISCRIMINRIDan Pavel Mihai Chioveanu Sabin Drgulin

EVENIMENTCamelia Runceanu

DISCRIMINRIViorel Mionel Raluca Radescu Ana-Maria Popovici Francisc Adrian Helstern Ileana Dasclu Alina Hurubean Loredana Ivan Alina Duduciuc Ilarion iu Raluca Dima Gheorghe Ciascai

Sfera PoliticiiREVIST DE TIINE POLITICE EDITAT DE FUNDAIA SOCIETATEA CIVIL APARIIE BIMESTRIAL

ARHIVAAlexandru Florian

RECENZIINicolae Drguin Ctlin Secreanu Ana-Maria Rdulescu Titus Techera Adrian Marius Tompea Laura-Madalina Sptaru Beinur Giumali Ioana Cristea Drgulin Silviu Petre

SEMNALEHonor Daumier

VOLUM XX NUMRUL 2 (168) MAR.-APR. 2012

Discriminri

Sfera Politicii este prima revist de tiin i teorie politic aprut n Romnia, dup cderea comunismului. Revista apare fr ntrerupere din 1992. Sfera Politicii a jucat i joac un rol important n difuzarea principalelor teme de tiin i teorie politic i n constituirea i dezvoltarea unei reflecii politologice viabile n peisajul tiinific i cultural din Romnia. Sfera Politicii pune la ndemna cercettorilor, a oamenilor politici i a publicului, analize, comentarii i studii de specialitate, realizate pe baza paradigmelor teoretice i metodologice ale tiinei i teoriei politice actuale. Sfera Politicii i face o misiune din contribuia la consolidarea i dezvoltarea societii democratice i de pia n Romnia.

EDITORIAL BOARDClin Anastasiu Daniel ChirotConsilier Principal al Preedintelui Societii Romne de Radiodifuziune, Bucureti, Romnia University of Washington, Seattle, Washington, USA Professor, University College, London, United Kingdom Cercettor asociat al Institutului German pentru Probleme Internaionale i de Securitate (Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik), Berlin, Germania membru al Academiei Romne Professor, University of California, Berkeley, USA Professor, Lund University, Lund, Sweden Directrice de recherche au CNRS, Directrice du Centre europen de sociologie et de science politique (CESSP), Universit Paris-Panthon-Sorbonne/CNRS/EHESSa Profesor, Facultatea de Studii Europene, Universitatea Babe-Bolyai, Cluj-Napoca, Romnia Professor, Department of Political Science, St. Francis Xavier University, Canada Professor, Department of Government and Politics, University of Maryland (College Park), USA Budapest, Hungary Professor, City University of New York Graduate Center, USA

Dennis John Deletant Anneli Ute Gabanyi Dinu C. Giurescu Gail Kligman

Steven Sampson Gisle Sapiro

Michael Shafir Lavinia Stan

Revist editat de:

Vladimir Tismneanu G. M. Tamas

Fundaia Societatea Civil INDEXRI INTERNAIONALE: Central and Eastern European Online Library (CEEOL) DOAJ - Directory of Open Access Journals International Political Science Abstract / Association internationale de science politique (IPSA/AISP)

Katherine Verdery

DIRECTORStelian TnaseProfesor, Facultatea de tiine Politice, Universitatea din Bucureti

REDACTOR EFAlexandru RaduProfesor, Facultatea de tiine Politice, Universitatea Cretin Dimitrie Cantemir, Bucureti

SECRETAR GENERAL DE REDACIESabin Drgulin

REDACIENicolae Drguin Aurora Martin Ioana Paverman Camelia Runceanu Daniel andru Cecilia Tohneanu

Sfera Politicii respect Ordinul nr. 4691 din 26 iulie 2011 al Ministrului Educaiei, Cercetrii, Tineretului i Sportului privind aprobarea standardelor minimale necesare i obligatorii pentru conferirea titlurilor didactice din nvmntul superior, a gradelor profesionale de cercetare-dezvoltare.

TEHNOREDACTORLiviu Stoica

[email protected]; [email protected]; http://www.sferapoliticii.ro

Sfera PoliticiiVOLUMUL XX, NUMRUL 2 (168), martie-aprilie 2012

EditorialSocial Categorization as a Manner of Creating Boundaries, Avoiding and Discriminating against the Other(s)...............................................................................3 Sonia Catrina

DiscriminriFilosofia antidiscriminrii i declinul democraiilor postcapitaliste ................................ 11 Dan Pavel The Dynamics of Mass Murder. Grasping the Twisted Decision-Making Process behind the Romanian Holocaust ..................................................................................... 25 Mihai Chioveanu Originile rasismului romnesc. O istorie a ideilor ........................................................... 37 Sabin Drgulin

EvenimentMas rotund Emigrarea evreilor din Romnia n contextul celui de-al Doilea Rzboi Mondial ................................................................................... 51 Camelia Runceanu

DiscriminriPata care devine din ce n ce mai vizibil. Cazul segregrii entice din ghetoul Pata Rt, Cluj-Napoca .................................................................................. 53 Viorel Mionel A Top-Down Approach to Roma Discrimination. International Litigation as a solution for Human Rights Redress against Violations ........................................... 63 Raluca Radescu Mass-media i promovarea politicii de combatere a discriminrii................................. 72 Ana-Maria Popovici (Andronache) Migraie i discriminare perspective teoretice .............................................................79 Francisc Adrian Helstern Egalitate de anse i non-discriminare ............................................................................ 87 Ileana Dasclu Inegalitile de gen la intersecia mecanismelor discriminatorii ...................................94 Alina Hurubean Using nonverbal sensitivity and cognitive style to discriminate between self and others prosocial behavior ...................................................................................... 100 Loredana Ivan Facial discrimination of political candidates and voting behavior ............................... 111 Alina Duduciuc Discriminarea n perioada comunist. Viaa deinuilor politici legionari dup eliberarea din nchisori .................................................................................................... 118 Ilarion iu Noi i Ei. Discursul unei Biserici Naionale despre libertate religioas i pluralism religios ......................................................................................................123 Raluca Dima

Despre geometria variabil a Uniunii Europene i modul de folosire a acesteia n vremuri de criz .......................................................................................................... 134 Gheorghe Ciascai

ArhivaRegimul Ion Antonescu i emigrarea evreilor ............................................................... 140 Alexandru Florian

RecenziiTeleviziunea i autonomia cmpului tiinific................................................................ 151 Nicolae DrguinPierre Bourdieu, Despre televiziune

Capcanele istoriei. Elita intelectual romneasc ntre 1930 i 1950 ............................153 Ctlin SecreanuLucian Boia, Capcanele istoriei. Elita intelectual romneasc ntre 1930 i 1950

I.D. Srbu sau lecia de demnitate .................................................................................. 158 Ana-Maria RdulescuClara Mare, Zidul de sticl. Ion D. Srbu n arhivele Securitii

Some notes on the concealment of the classical philosopher ..................................... 162 Titus TecheraPaul Johnson, Socrates: A man for our times

Abordri teoretice i forme empirice ale populismului ............................................... 166 Adrian Marius TompeaSergiu Gherghina, Sergiu Micoiu, Sorin Soare (editori), Populismul contemporan

Unpredictability, Uncertainty, and Fear: Measuring Natural Risk Perceptions........... 168 Laura-Madalina SptaruARMA, Iuliana, Percepia riscurilor naturale: cutremure, inundaii, alunecri

A Constructivist Theory of International Relations ....................................................... 172 Beinur GiumaliAlexander Wendt, Teoria social a politicii internaionale

Studii cu privire la Gramsci ..............................................................................................174 Ioana Cristea DrgulinMarcello Montanari, Studi su Gramsci. Americanismo democrazia e teoria della storia nei Quaderni del carcere

Eternul azimut occidental .............................................................................................. 176 Silviu PetreMihail E.Ionescu, Romnia oriental. 160 de ani, 1848-2009

Semnale ........................................................................................................................... 179 Index de autori ..............................................................................................................181 Summary ......................................................................................................................... 183

Editorial

Social Categorization as a Manner of Creating Boundaries, Avoiding and Discriminating against the Other(s)SONIA CATRINABorders as a manner of identification and differentiation[Romanian Academy]

AbstractAs a pejorative or disparaging differentiation, discrimination points to exclusions, borders or the closure of the social world. Such negative behaviour towards the other(s) is the effect of a fixed social identity (social categorization), according to which people express stereotypes (beliefs) or prejudices (attitudes). The core of the present article is formed by these elements conjoined with the generic term discrimination. Therefore, this article is an analysis of the processes of maintaining discrimination-(re)producing boundaries.

In a context of interconnections and hybridisations, in which concerns about the global dimension of knowledge and practices are increasingly important, we notice in equal measure disjuncture, fragmentation and dissolution, division of collective identities and a closure of the identity of the nations. Accordingly, the global world is characterized by the rise of individualism and particularism, as well as by claims of identity. In front of the challenges posed by globalization, national feelings have thus resumed their vigour. Borders have an important role in the mechanism of collective identity appropriation. They are the appearance of an identity expressed in terms of territorial delimitation. At the same time, borders further the definition of the self. According to Anna Triandafyllidou and Dia Anagnostou1, borders continue to1 Zoe Bray, State of the art report reviewing the development and change of European in Triandafyllidou Anna, Anagnostou Dia (dir.), EU Research on social sciences and humanities. Changing interests and identities in European border regions: EU policies, ethnic minorities, sociopolitical transformation in member states and accession countries. State of the Art, (Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 2006),

Keywordsdiscrimination; social categorization; stereotype; prejudice; racism Sfera Politicii nr. 2 (168) / 2012

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influence and assist in peoples construction of the self. Moreover, borders are an imposer not only of an identity, but a supporter of difference too. They can be used as a manner of identification for those persons sharing the same cultural references, and as a means of differentiation against the different other. Hence, borders can be used by similar people to their own advantage in order to define themselves and set up their identity in front of the other(s). Group affiliations are symbolic borders which prescribe attributes to individuals as members of a particular group. The process assigning the individuals place in the social environment is known as social categorization. The identification and differentiation among individuals function on the basis of a cognitive process. The process of social categorization may thus generate discrimination when resemblance is established as difference. Accordingly, the next section discusses social categorization, with an emphasis on social identity theory. This analysis continues with a presentation of the other elements announced in the title of this study, such as stereotypes and prejudices, which contribute to creating boundaries. The answer to these elements may be discrimination. This is the case of racial and ethnic categories, which, once established, take part in creating disparity. This process is the response to unequal allocation of resources and opportunities among individuals, according to their association with a majority or minority group.Social categorization as a symbolic boundary

Categorization is fundamental for the comprehension of the physical and social environment. According to Tajfels theory1, the segmentation and classification of the environment is achieved through cognitive processes. Moreover, the process of categorization originates in both causal knowledge and similarity relations (), which lead to the development of categories and () serve to organize knowledge.2 The concept of social categorization3 forged by Tajfel in 70s also includes the meaning of social identity. His theory states that group affiliations are represented on a psychological level as social identities prescribing attributes to the members of a particular group. Part of the concept of self, social identity could be defined as a set of objective characteristics (nationality, ethnicity, gender, religion, age, status, etc.) which allow the identification of individuals from outside. We talk about group affiliation when individuals define themselves and are defined by others as members of a formed social category (for instance, football players of a sport club, painting lovers, chess players, AIDS patients, young people, etc.). Formulated on the basis of similarity of its members, group affiliation allows them to identify themselves socially. Therefore, social groups provide their members with a social identification called social identity. It is considered that group affiliation is reflected in shared values, representations, emotions and attachment to a group, functioning as a link among group members. Identification with a group results from the consciousness of belonging to a social group. Although distinct, the48, ftp://ftp.cordis.europa.eu/pub/citizens/docs/cit2-2004-506019euroreg21916.pdf accessed in 2011, on June the 24th. 1 This theory served as support for the interpretation on the norms, practices, and representations made on Roma, which structure the social space of the countries they settled in., Sonia Catrina, A fi rom n Europa comunitar. Despre drepturi i justiie social, Sfera Politicii 154 (2010), 43. 2 Keith J. Holyoak, Psychology, in Robert A. Wilson and Frank C. Keil (dir.), The MIT Encyclopedia of the Cognitive Sciences, (Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1999), xlvii. 3 Henri Tajfel, La catgorisation sociale, in Serge Moscovici (dir.), Introduction la psychologie sociale, (Paris: Larousse, 1972); Henri Tajfel, M. G. Bilig, R.P. Bundy R.P., Claude Flament, Social categorisation and intergroup behaviour, European Journal of Social Psychology 2 (1971): 149-178.

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Sfera Politicii nr. 2 (168) / 2012

group members who share common characteristics feel alike. Besides, they feel identical because they oppose to others 1. Referring to the formation of categories,2 Tajfejs social identity theory3 considers interactive situations of self and other. According to his theory, the identification of differences as symbolic borders between self and other are forged by a dual mechanism of identification with others and distinction from them. According to Tajfel, social categorization is achieved through a mechanism of resemblance (by assimilation) and differentiation (by contrast). The self is therefore defined through and against the other. In accordance with the interactive perspective, there are practices and interactions between individuals which contribute to creating boundaries. Social identity is thus the psychological mechanism of the linkages between individual and group. The reference established on account of similarities sets up the consciousness of belonging to the group. Accordingly, the individuals identification derives from the groups to which they belong. Moreover, social identity gives individuals a collective representation of what they are and how they should act in society. Their in-groups interiorized norms and values allow identifying the individuals with the group. One can mutually consider that the affiliation with a social group induces the rejection of the other who does not belong to the group in question because he does not identify himself with it. According to Tajfel, social categorization leads to more striking similarities within, and differences between, groups. This is a generalized process, according to the metacontrast principle. Furthermore, the metacontrast principle applied to the others in comparison to the self implies a process of both categorization and self-categorization. The self-categorization theory developed by J. C. Turner4 on the basis of Tajfels observations foregrounds the problem of self-stereotyping. Turner considers that the elements grouped according to similarity or difference in relation to a specific prototype is conducive of a stereotyped image of all the members of a group. Since they resemble each other, the members of a group can mutually replace each other. This involves the idea that possessing similar qualities enables different groups to constitute themselves on the basis of mite in-group similarities and out-group differences, respectively. On the other hand, identifying resemblances among members within a group (in-group) can turn into a bias towards excluding members (out-group). Therefore, the social categorization process has positive or negative effects in the social sphere. Such processes underlie cooperation or compliance behaviours in relation to certain norms concerning discrimination, exclusion or closure of the social space. Social psychology considers that social categorization mechanisms can be based on prejudices5 or stereotypes emerging within different contexts.1 For instance, it is acknowledged that national identity is in the first place the awareness of belonging to the national space, in opposition to those that do not belong to it, the consciousness of similarity and the recognition of the resemblance of the members, the feeling of belonging to a culture translated into a set of common elements acquired by each individual. 2 In moving from the study of perception mechanisms (1959) to that of social relations (19701984), Tajfel considers that the inclusion of individuals in groups according to categorial affiliations is the result of a reasoning based on induction or deduction. 3 Henri Tajfel, Social Identity and Intergroup Behaviour, Social Science Information 13 (1974): 65-93. 4 John C. Turner, A self-categorization theory, in J. C. Turner, M. A. Hogg, P. J. Oakes, S. D. Reicher, S.D., M. S. Whetherell (dir.), Rediscovering the social group: A self-categorization theory (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1987). 5 According to Ctlin Zamfir and Lazr Vlsceanu, Dicionar de sociologie (Bucharest: Babei, 1998), 442, the stereotype (the emotional component of individual and collective attitudes) and the prejudice (their cognitive component on account of which we relate negatively to a individual) are the basis for discrimination. Thus, discrimination, as unfair treatment of Sfera Politicii nr. 2 (168) / 2012

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Since we speak about beliefs and thoughts, it is impossible that they be objective. According to Fischer1, prejudices reflect the attitude of the individual function of their own social affiliation, revealing an often negative evaluative dimension insofar as different types of persons or individuals are concerned. Therefore, we speak about an inclination acquired with the purpose of establishing a social differentiation.2 In Fischers view, moral judgements occasioned by categorization processes contribute to building stereotypes. Such positive or negative characteristics which are emblematic for social representations3 - become features of a specific social group. In addition, Fischer4 talks about simplified descriptive categories whereby we try to situate the other or the groups of individuals (...), features or behaviours we assign arbitrarily. Delia Grigore5 thinks of stereotypes as a means of cognitive economy by reducing the individual to the group as well as by a sketchy explanation of the surrounding world (). It is the easiest way of grasping difference or alterity. According to Allport,6 stereotypes taken as exaggerated beliefs that shape thoughts, feelings, actions are consequences of the process of categorization. Once established, stereotypes and other forms of bias, such as prejudice, do not operate merely as a groups description, but as cognitive structures that influence the way in which others are perceived and in which information about others is stored and retrieved.7 Allport argues that racial and ethnic categories reflect an essentialism that shapes the nature of stereotypes. Discrimination on an ethnic or cultural basis is known as racism. This ideology was formulated in the 19th century. Substantialist approaches of groups have shown that we can identify an essence for all group members (objective physical, psychological and cultural characteristics). According to such a view, groups are perceived as objective socio-cultural entities. Consequently, the notion of racial features treats race as a meaningful category. Nevertheless, objectifying cultural differences has led to the division of the world into races. Moreover, the evaluation of the other according to their own cultural references has generated a hierarchy of groups. Thus, the inferior other was often characterized as barbarian, wild, underdeveloped or uncivilized. The cultural superiority of a group over another and group classification on a scale of values are the result of a fundamental bias, that is, ethnocentrism. According to William Graham Sumners definition8, ethnocentrism is the technical name for this view of things by which ones own group is the centre of everything, and all the others are scaled and rated with reference to it. On the other hand, ethnocentrism, a collective attitude that consists in evaluating others in terms of theira person, represents the actional, behavioural component of these attitudes. 1 Gustave Nicolas Fischer, Les concepts fondamentaux de la psychologie sociale (Paris: Bordas, 1987), 104. 2 Fischer, Les concepts, 104. 3 According to Serge Moscovici, La psychanalyse, son image et son public (Paris: PUF, 1961), social representations include attitudes, opinions, beliefs, values, ideas. In Denise Jodelets opinion formulated in Les reprsentations sociales (Paris: PUF, 1993), social representations are a form of socially elaborated and shared knowledge with a practical target, which contributes to the creation of a reality shared by a social group. 4 Fischer, Les concepts, 105. 5 Delia Grigore, Prolegomene. Repere conceptuale i ipoteze de cercetare, Delia Grigore, Mihai Neacu, Adrian-Nicolae Furtun (coord.), Rromii... n cutarea stimei de sine: studiu introductiv (Bucharest: Vanemonde, 2007), 5. 6 Gordon Willard Allport, The Nature of Prejudice (New York: Addison-Wesley, [1954]1979). 7 John F. Dovidi, Stereotyping, in Robert A. Wilson and Frank C. Keil (dir.), The MIT Encyclopedia of the Cognitive Sciences, (Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1999), 805. 8 William Graham Sumner (1959 [1907]), Folkways: A Study of Mores, Manners, Customs and Morals (New York: Dover Publications, 1959 [1907]), 13.

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own culture1, is looking at ones own culture as superior to all other cultures. The most eloquent example of this theory that develops the model of the human being within their own culture is represented by the Nazi doctrine, which claims the idea of the Aryan races superiority over another, in this case the Jews or the Gypsies considered racially inferior by Hitler. The Nazi political principles are guided by the belief that the superiority of a race over another justifies an unequal treatment of the members of the inferior race. This is one of the many examples of racism that led to an extreme point. Such Manichean thinking, which underlies the domination of a group over another according to its superiority, thus has a negative impact upon the group considered to be inferior. Otherwise, the finding of cultural diversity2 determined anthropologists to show that there is neither superiority in culture but only a relative diversity nor classification criteria that can order different cultures hierarchically3. Theories of identity as construction and ongoing development that are already embedded in the field of cultural studies refer to an approach of a self-identified group of people4, such as an ethnic group, as social construction of a form of identification. Otherness is thus socially constructed, and the members of a group are situated in-between a relation of interaction with the members of the other group. This theory is supported by the Norwegian anthropologist Fredrik Barth.5 Referring to ethnicity, this anthropologist, inspired by the American interactionist sociologist Erving Goffman, shows in Ethnic Groups and Boundaries (1969) that ethnicity should not be seen as difference, but within the relationships between groups. Referring to the social relations among groups and socio-cognitive processes that are responsible for categorizing individuals, Pierre-Henri Castel et al6 examines how discrimination is established, starting from the co-construction theory. Willing to investigate the formation of social categories and the role of each participant in the discrimination bias, Castel Pierre-Henri et al. have carried out empirical research on the relations between work groups. They took into account the statutory positions of each members group. According to the co-construction theory, the division establishing the categories is the result of information processing by the members of both interacting groups.7 In addition, the co-construction theory states that it is impossible that the position of the subject in a given relationship cannot have a specific effect.8 These considerations allow authors to agree on the

1 Ilie Bdescu, Ozana Cucu-Oancea (dir.), Dicionar de Sociologie Rural (Bucureti: Mica Valahie, 2005), 169. 2 It seems that the notion of humanity, which includes, without distinction, race or civilization and all forms of the human species, was developed very late and had a limited expansion. But for large fractions of human history and tens of thousands of years, this notion seems to have been totally absent (Bdescu, Cucu-Oancea, Dicionar, 169). Indeed, the recognition of cultural diversity has not been in place for a long time. It is the twentieth century that recognizes differences and cultural diversity. The cultural cohabitation has become one of the most important stakes for the 21st century, since humankind has entered the era of multicultural civilization. One of the most important objectives of our century is to create a bridge between different cultures. 3 Alain Beitone et al, Sciences sociales (Paris : Dalloz, 2000), 200. 4 Zoe Bray, State of the art, 49. 5 Fredrik Barth, Les groupes ethniques et leurs frontires, in Philippe Poutignat, Jocelyne Streiff-Fenart (dir.), Thories de lethnicit (Paris: PUF, 2008 [1995]), 203-249. 6 Pierre-Henri Castel et al, Biais de discrimination et statut social. Une tude de terrain sur les relations intergroupes, Le travail humain 4-69 (2006): 305-315. 7 Castel et al, Biais de discrimination, 306. 8 Castel, Biais de discrimination, 307. Sfera Politicii nr. 2 (168) / 2012

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existence of a discrimination bias and of different strategies linked to status 1. While the high status group is preoccupied with maintaining its dominant position, the lower groups seek to improve their social standing through in-group favouritism bias or even out-group favouritism2. Castel et al.s theory thus differs from other discrimination theories, in that it takes into account the parameters applicable to such a situation. The strength of their theory is that discrimination occurs within both interacting groups. It shows that discrimination affects both groups, but in different degrees.Conclusion

The categorization of individuals could be established on account of elements considered as defining a group, such as statutory position or race described above. Negative cognitive beliefs (stereotypes) or derogatory social attitudes (prejudices) contribute to prescribing attributes to the members of a particular group on account of their affiliation with that group. If they are transformed into negative or hostile behaviours towards the other(s), stereotypes and prejudices lead to the closure of the social world and even to the exclusion of the other. Christos Govaris and Stravoula Kaldi claim that these attitudes exist in the processes of categorizing social groups and acts as rational knowledge in order to separate and reject specific social groups3, thus being expressive of discrimination. Discrimination, the different treatment of others (understood in a negative way as exclusion, limitation, restriction, but also in a positive one as preference), exclusively on the basis of their in-groups affiliation has not been eradicated nowadays, either. Criteria such as race, nationality, language, religion, social category, gender, sexual orientation, age, disability, disease, affiliation with a disadvantaged social category, family situation, etc. continue to be the foundation of discriminatory attitudes. As a source for attitudes of negative discrimination, these elements have an important impact upon individuals. Discrimination affects the allocation of resources and opportunities to those persons who should benefit from similar advantages like a person that is not discriminated. Moreover, such attitudes remain a significant factor in shaping social and economic inequality. Although significant efforts in combating discrimination have been made in todays Romania, differences, disadvantages, disparaging attitudes and inequality still subsist. For instance, Roma people are subject to a special treatment within the welfare state. Policies of positive (affirmative) actions and integrated approaches (mainstreaming) have been elaborated for Roma since 1990, when their status as an ethnic minority was recognised and they were identified as a social problem. There are strategies4 for preventing the discrimination of Roma people and for improving their situation.5 Thus, if there are some gains for the Roma minority1 Castel, Biais de discrimination, 305. 2 Castel, Biais de discrimination, 305. 3 Christos Govaris, Stravoula Kaldi, Promoting recognition and acceptance of cultural diversity through cooperative learning in primary school, http://www.iaie.org/download/turin_paper_ govaris.pdf, accessed in 2011, on June the 27th. 4 For 2012-2020, The Romanian Government Strategy for the Inclusion of Romanian Citizens Belonging to Roma minority, published on 4 January, 2012 in The Official Gazette (MO/nr.6, http://www.anr.gov.ro/docs/Strategie_EN.pdf) refers to sectorial measures like educational field, employment, health, housing and small infrastructure, culture and social infrastructure. 5 Because of their extreme poverty, Roma people are subject of a redistributive social policy (Sabin Drgulin, Guvernul Robin Hood: cteva observaii sociologice, Sfera Politicii 11 (2011), 114-121.

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in different spheres, significant disparities still remain. For instance, the labour force is a sector in which the Roma are discriminated. Besides, residential segregation by race remains a salient feature of contemporary Romania. In addition, wealth disparities continue to affect Romas social inclusion. However, prejudices, stereotypes and the stigmatization1 of the different other can still define Romanians attitudes. In a state like Romania, which recognizes and works to maintain differences, there are still things to do in order to sweeten negative discriminatory attitudes. Both social policies in favour of minority groups and a change in mentalities could contribute to reducing discrimination.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

ALLPORT, Gordon Willard, The Nature of Prejudice, New York, Addison-Wesley, 1979 [1954]. BARTH, Fredrik, Les groupes ethniques et leurs frontires, in Philippe Poutignat, Jocelyne Streiff-Fenart (dir.), Thories de lethnicit, Paris, PUF, 2008 [1995]), 203-249. BDESCU, Ilie, CUCU-OANCEA, Ozana (dir.), Dicionar de Sociologie Rural , Bucureti, Mica Valahie, 2005. BEITONE, Alain et al, Sciences sociales, Paris, Dalloz, 2000. BRAY, Zoe, State of the art report reviewing the development and change of European in Triandafyllidou Anna, Anagnostou Dia (dir.), EU Research on social sciences and humanities. Changing interests and identities in European border regions: EU policies, ethnic minorities, socio-political transformation in member states and accession countries. State of the Art, Luxembourg, Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 2006, 39-75, ftp://ftp.cordis.europa.eu/pub/citizens/docs/cit2-2004-506019euroreg21916.pdf accessed in 2011, on June the 24th. CASTEL, Pierre-Henri et al, Biais de discrimination et statut social. Une tude de terrain sur les relations intergroupes, Le travail humain 4-69 (2006): 305-315. CATRINA, Sonia, A fi rom n Europa comunitar. Despre drepturi i justiie social, Sfera Politicii 154 (2010), 43-50. DOVIDI, John F., Stereotyping, in Robert A. Wilson and Frank C. Keil (dir.), The MIT Encyclopedia of the Cognitive Sciences, Cambridge, The MIT Press, 1999, 804-806/805. DRGULIN, Sabin, : cteva observaii sociologice, Sfera Politicii 11 (2011), 114-121. FISCHER, Gustave Nicolas, Les concepts fondamentaux de la psychologie sociale, Paris, Bordas, 1987. GOVARIS, Christos, KALDI, Stravoula, Promoting recognition and acceptance of cultural diversity through cooperative learning in primary school, http://www.iaie.org/download/ turin_paper_govaris.pdf, accessed in 2011, on June the 27th. GRIGORE, Delia, Prolegomene. Repere conceptuale i ipoteze de cercetare, Delia Grigore, Mihai Neacu, Adrian-Nicolae Furtun (coord.), Rromii... n cutarea stimei de sine: studiu introductiv Bucharest, Vanemonde, 2007, 4-8. HOLYOAK, Keith J., Psychology, in Robert A. Wilson and Frank C. Keil (dir.), The MIT Encyclopedia of the Cognitive Sciences, Cambridge, The MIT Press, 1999, xl-xlix/xlvii. JODELET, Denise, Les reprsentations sociales, Paris: PUF, 1993.1 An interesting analysis of interethnic relations in contemporary Romania has been made by Dan Pavel, Minoritile bine temperate. Repere pentru teoria democraiei, Sfera Politicii 138 (2009), 3-12. This political scientist considers that assigning an identity (categorization process) is a racist, nationalist, xenophobic act (p. 6). His empirical study of the recent concert of Madonna and of the football game between Steaua Bucuresti and Ujpest Budapest confirms that this sort of conflicts still stand firm. And despite all the efforts made towards putting an end to these frictions, they still hold on, being based on feelings of hate and wrath (p. 3). Sfera Politicii nr. 2 (168) / 2012

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MOSCOVICI, Serge La psychanalyse, son image et son public, Paris: PUF, 1961. PAVEL, Dan, Minoritile bine temperate. Repere pentru teoria democraiei, Sfera Politicii 138 (2009), 3-12. TAJFEL, Henri, La catgorisation sociale, in Serge Moscovici (dir.), Introduction la psychologie sociale, Paris, Larousse, 1972. TAJFEL, Henri, Social Identity and Intergroup Behaviour, Social Science Information 13 (1974): 65-93. TAJFEL, Henri, BILIG, M. G., BUNDY R.P., FLAMENT, Claude, Social categorisation and intergroup behaviour, European Journal of Social Psychology 2 (1971): 149-178. The Romanian Government Strategy for the Inclusion of Romanian Citizens Belonging to Roma minority, published on 4 January, 2012 in The Official Gazette (MO/nr.6, http://www. anr.gov.ro/docs/Strategie_EN.pdf). TURNER, John C., A self-categorization theory, in J. C. Turner, M. A. Hogg, P. J. Oakes, S. D. Reicher, S.D., M. S. Whetherell (dir.), Rediscovering the social group: A self-categorization theory, Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1987. ZAMFIR, Ctlin, VLSCEANU, Lazr, Dicionar de sociologie, Bucureti, Babei, 1998.

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Discriminri

Filosofia antidiscriminrii i declinul democraiilor postcapitaliste[The University of Bucharest]Filosofii (de pn acum) nu au fcut dect s interpreteze lumea n moduri diferite. Important este ns a o schimba. Karl Marx, Teze asupra lui Feuerbach

DAN PAVEL

AbstractThe author is trying to explain the contrasts existing between the expanding universe of antidiscrimination sanctions and the decline in legitimacy of democracy. The declining legitimacy affects both consolidated democracies, and newborn democracies. Inequality in the USA, but also at global level is illustrated with relevant statistics. The convergence between the crisis of democracy and the financial and economic global crisis is a major social and political threat. At the global level, after the Arab Spring, the third wave of democratization continued, while the quality of democracy substantially diminished. In the newborn Islamic democracies, discrimination against women, Christians, Jews, gay & lesbians, etc. continued, leading to arson, torture and killings.

cest studiu pornete de la constatarea unei stri de fapt: n lumea globalizat actual, se accentueaz discordana dintre universul n expansiune al standardelor/sanciunilor antidiscriminare i declinul legitimitii democraiei. Se extind permanent interdiciile privind discriminarea pe criterii etnice, religioase, sexuale1, generaionale (vrst), profesionale, sociale, stare de sntate (dizabiliti, dar i pe baz de informaii genetice), dar scade dramatic ncrederea n democraie. Se nnspresc sanciunile antidiscriminatorii, dar scade ncrederea n instituiile democratice. n ciuda creterii intoleranei fa de discriminri n plan internaional, european, national i local-comunitar, fundamentele democraiei moderne se ubrezesc continuu. Ethosul antidiscriminatoriu a condus la complicarea tipologiei discriminrilor i multiplicarea indicilor de1 Cnd m refer la discriminrile pe criterii sexuale includ aici n primul rnd cea mai veche i cea mai rspndit form de discriminare din istorie i din lume: discriminarea femeilor. Este semnificativ faptul c dei Convenia pentru Eliminarea Tuturor Formelor de Discriminare mpotriva Femeilor a fost adoptat n 1979 de ctre Organizaia Naiunilor Unite n unanimitate multiplele discriminri mpotriva femeilor continu n toate formele de regim politic, peste tot n lume, n sfera public i n sfera privat.

A

Keywordsdemocracy legitimacy decline; discrimination; anti-discrimination; equality; inequality; middle class decline; convergence of crises; discrimination of women, Christians, Jews, gay & lesbians, emo; torture; killings Sfera Politicii nr. 2 (168) / 2012

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monitorizare a diferitelor forme de discriminare, dar valoarea suprem a democraiei egalitatea i-a pierdut semnificaia n lumea real. Egalitatea politic, egalitatea social, egalitatea juridic, garantarea oportunitilor egale (egalitatea de start) au devenit norme virtuale, cu valoarea simbolic. Memorabila sintagm lincolnian despre democraie ca fiind puterea poporului, pentru popor, [exercitat] de ctre popor a ajuns o formul de-a dreptul irelevant, iar observatorii inteligeni ai fenomenelor politico-economice au propus formule chiar mai relevante, care nu in ns de democraie, ci de oligarhie1. O alt stare de fapt contrasteaz cu prima: exist i o faet negativ a democratizrii, dac nu chiar o fa abominabil, care a ieit la iveal acolo unde au fost nlturate regimuri dictatoriale, dar au fost eliberate uri i resentimente vechi, care au deschis calea unor discriminri, persecuii i crime n mas, care nu se petreceau ns n regimurile dicatoriale abolite. Voi reveni asupra acestui aspect. Ipoteza explicativ a acestui studiu este urmtoarea: declinul legitimitii democraiei se datoreaz raporturilor tensionate, chiar contradictorii, dintre dimensiunile conotative i denotative ale democraiei. Distincia ntre sensul i semnificaia democraiei [i.e., distincia dintre Sinn i Bedeutung] a devenit n anumite ipostaze un divor semantic i pragmatic, dac nu chiar o prpastie. Iar prpastia dintre sens i semnificaie s-a produs din pricina faptului c n viaa politic real exist tot mai puin democraie autentic, n neles etimologic i n sensurile definite de teoria democraiei moderne. Niciodat nu a existat o discordan mai mare ntre dimensiunea normativ i dimensiunea descriptiv a teorie democraiei. Una dintre consecine are relevan pentru tema acestui studiu: adesea, raporturile tensionate dintre discriminare i antidiscriminare au devenit ireconciliabile. n ceea ce privete, realitatea contrastant despre care scriam la nceput, propun o alt ipotez explicativ: instaurarea democraiei n locurile unde nu s-a produs liberalizarea deschide calea discriminrii, persecuiilor i chiar crimelor n mas, din pricina mentalitilor colective grevate de intoleran, ur i resentimente. Ceva mai ncolo voi da i exemple semnificative. Declinul legitimitii democraiei este un fenomen complex, care include att erodarea democraiilor consolidate2, ct i la tratarea inadecvat a malformaiilor congenitale ale multora dintre noile democraii3. Discriminrile din tipurile diferi1 Acest lucru a fost scos n eviden de ctre influentul articol al lui Joseph Stiglitz, Of the 1%, by the 1%, for the 1%, publicat n revista trendy Vanity Fair, May 2011. Titlul articolului este o parafraz la celebra fraz a lui Abraham Lincoln, din discursul de la Gettysburg, din 1863, invocat n corpul articolului (Democracy is the government of the people, by the people, for the people). Ceva mai jos voi reveni cu date absolut uimitoare din textele lui Stiglitz. 2 Despre erodarea democraiilor consolidate au scris importani teoreticieni ai democraiei (americani, vest-europeni, latino-americani ori est-asiatici. Dintr-o bibliografie mai larg, semnalez aici doar trei volume care m-au impresionat mai mult dect altele, n anii din urm: Jean Bethke Elshtain, Democracy on Trial (New York: Basic Books, 1995); Jeffrey C. Isaac, Democracy in Dark Times (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1998) [vezi i versiunea n limba romn, Jeffrey C. Isaac, Democraia n vremuri ntunecate, traducere de Cristina Irimia, postfa de Lucian Drdal (Iai: Polirom, 2000)]; Samuel P. Huntington, Cine sntem? Provocrile la adresa identitii naionale americane, traducere de Nicolae Nstase (Filipetii de Trg: Antet, 2004). ntr-una din ultimele sale cri, regretatul Samuel Huntington (1927 2008) era ngrijorat de deteriorarea substanei identitii americane, definit de un set de principii universale ale libertii i democraiei (14). 3 Pentru noi, exemplul cel mai convingtor al tezei caracterului malformat congenital al noilor democraii este unul autoreferenial: Romnia. Am explicat acest lucru n Dan Pavel, Iulia Huiu, Nu putem reui dect mpreun. O istorie analitic a Conveniei Democratice, 19892000 (Iai: Polirom, 2003). ns exemplul mondial reprezentativ este al Rusiei, analizat de ctre Fareed Zakaria, care a inventat sintagma illiberal democracy. Folosesc sintagma democraie malformat congenital drept un sinonim conceptual-teoretic mai consistent logic dect ceea ce ndeobte este cunoscut sub numele de path-dependency theory. Aceasta din urm ne explic

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te de democraii, precum i filosofiile antidiscriminrii din cadrul acestora, din care se nasc politicile antidiscriminare i sanciunile mpotriva discriminrilor de tot felul, funcioneaz extrem de diferit. Contextele discriminare-antidiscriminare snt legate n primul rnd de caracterul cultural ireductibil al naiunilor, religiilor i moravurilor din societile respective, pe care nici democratizarea, nici liberalizarea i nici mcar modernizarea nu au putut s le anuleze1. Aceast funcionare structural diferit este una dintre marile provocri la adresa tezei democraiei ca valoare universal. Dup cum voi arta la un moment dat, modul n care funcioneaz discriminarea (de fapt, discriminrile) n regiunile n care a ptruns de curnd democraia (n particular, lumea arab, iar ntr-un sens mai larg, lumea islamic, dar n discuie pot s intre la fel de bine lumea indian ori lumea chinez sau pri importante ale Africii subsahariene) ne oblig la o schimbare de perspectiv. Ori recunoatem c democraia nu va fi niciodat o valoare universal ori schimbm conceptele i teoria democraiei, astfel nct diferenele specifice s fie mai variate, iar atunci putem s declarm c democraia este o valoare universal. ns logica clasic ne-a nvat o lecie simpl i de neevitat: prea multe redefiniri ale diferenei specifice conduc ctre redefinirea genului proxim. Din mai multe puncte de vedere, abordarea cazurilor democraiilor consolidate are suprema relevan n teoria reinterpretat a democraiei. ntrebrile puse n legtur cu democraiile consolidate, n particular cu statele din nucleul dur, provocrile, dilemele, dar mai ales rspunsurile gsite (dar i cele negsite), au condus la descoperiri privind funcionarea sistemului i logica democratic intern, din care s-au nscut teoriile canonice ale democraiei. Categoria democraiilor consolidate cuprinde state n care democratizarea s-a produs n faze istorice diferite. Din nucleul dur al categoriei democraiilor consolidate fac parte cele mai vechi i durabile democraii, din primul val al democratizrii i care nu au fost afectate nici de primul reflux al democratizrii, nici de al doilea, cum ar fi Marea Britanie, Statele Unite ale Americii, Suedia, Noua Zeeland, Australia, Elveia, Canada, Finlanda2. Dac democraia eueaz chiar i acolo unde istoria a demonstrat c potenialul pentru autorectare, autoreformare i autoconsolidare instituional este imens, atunci, n ultim instan, teoria democraiei rmne fr obiect de studiu. n schimb, potenialul de autocorectare i autoconsolidare al democraiilor malformate congenital este limitat i necesit mari perioade de timp pentru a deveni funcional. (i) din aceast pricin, n aceste democraii exist o probabilitate mai mare de de alternan fluxuri/refluxuri ale democratizrii. Chiar i aa, relevana lor pentru teoria democraiei nu trebuie desconsiderat. Defectele nnscute ale democraiilor malformate congenital nu pot fi (i nici nu trebuie) corectate radical, nici prin intervenii chirugicale, nici prin transplant. Acele defecte pot fi ns corectate prin metode de inginerie politic sau construcie instituional, practicate pe termen lung. Cine ncearc s corecteze cu fora asemenea democraii, cine ncearc s fac dintr-o societate imperfect una perfect, chiar mpotriva naturii sale inclusiv prin impunerea unor norme antidiscriminatorii rigide obine rezultatefaptul c deciziile care trebuie luate n anumite circumstane, n economie sau politic, snt limitate de deciziile luate iniial n domeniul respectiv (cum ar fi acelea ale prinilor fondatori), n momentul 0 ori ntr-o circumstan special din trecut, chiar dac circumstanele din trecut nici mcar nu mai snt relevante. Cu alte cuvinte, spune teoria respectiv, drumul parcurs (ales sau ntmpltor) sau primii pai pe acel drum snt decisivi, depinzi de ei. 1 Raportul dintre manifestrile particulare ale teoriei schimbrii sociale i ceea ce nu poate fi schimbat merit studiat cu mai mare atenie. Or, dac nici liberalizarea, nici democratizarea, nici chiar modernizarea nu au putut s afecteze caracterul ireductibil al fenomenelor menionate, nelegem de ce nu a fost posibil ca globalizarea s le afecteze. 2 ri care au fcut parte din primul val al democratizrii, dar nu au rezistat proceselor inverse, de dedemocratizare, snt Germania, Frana, Chile, Italia, Portugalia, Spania, Argentina. Sfera Politicii nr. 2 (168) / 2012

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mai dezastruoase dect ale situaiei care trebuia iniial corectat. Marele avantaj al studierii acestor democraii este c permite observarea i explicarea cauzelor i motivaiilor puinelor cazuri reuite, n comparaie cu multiplele eecuri. Secretul reuitei reformei democratice nu st ns n aplicarea unor reete prestabilite, a unor politici adoptate n grab i prin metode heirup-iste ori procustiene (cum ar fi cele recomandate de Fondul Monetar Internaional, indiferent de natura i mrimea unei economii naionale i care au mpins mai multe state ctre dezastre financiare, economice i sociale), ci n adoptarea unor metode flexibile, gndite n conformitate cu standardele coerenei logicii sociale aplicate individual, flexibil, creativ1. Aceeai metodologie instituional trebuie aplicat n acele locuri pentru cuplul discriminareantidiscriminare, pentru c o copiere a rigidelor canoane occidentale, de tip political correcteness, ar conduce la distrugerea societilor respective sau la respingerea radical a filosofiei antidiscriminare. Un asemenea fenomen se petrece n democraiile consolidate, unde politicile antidiscriminare de ni i urmrite n mod exagerat distrag atenia de la consolidarea politic a democraiei i o submineaz. Din punctul de vedere al construciei textuale, ar fi fost necesare acum anumite paranteze teoretice, conceptuale i epistemologice, pentru a explicita unele dintre afirmaiile anterioare. ns anumite exemple semnificative, care snt ocante i imposibil de negat, vor sprijini i accelera clarificarea tezelor acestui studiu, naintea deschiderii acelor paranteze. Unele exemple au fost aduse n atenia public de ctre un celebru laureat al Premiului Nobel pentru economie, ale crui scrieri au fcut mai mult dect s contribuie la nelegerea teoretic a problemelor complicate de economie ale lumii americanul Joseph Stiglitz. Scrierile sale recente au condus chiar la schimbarea decisiv a lumii n care trim. Articolul su publicat n Vanity Fair (Of the 1%, by the 1%, for the 1%) dezvluia c segmentul de 1% din vrful ierarhiei sociale americane ctig 25% din veniturile anuale i deine 40% din averea americanilor. Ponderea deinut de categoria 1% era cu att mai ocant cu ct acum 25 de ani aceluiai segment i reveneau 12% din veniturile anuale i 33% din averea americanilor. Studiile fcute asupra tuturor straturilor ierarhizate pe baza veniturilor anuale au scos la iveal pe seama cui s-au fcut respectivele creteri ale ponderii celor din categoria 1%. n ultimul sfert de secol, cea mai afectat de procesul declinului democratic a fost clasa de mijloc, adic mndria Americii i baza social de mas a democraiei americane, a modului de via american, a prosperitii americane (the American Dream), adic Middle Class America (America clasei de mijloc). Middle class este n descretere absolut i relativ, veniturile i s-au diminuat2. Scderea ponderii clasei de mijloc nu s-a fcut ns pe scara ascendent, prin creterea numrului i proporiei bogailor provenii din clasa de mijloc3, ci pe scara descendent,1 n teoria democraiei este preferabil varianta democraie malformat congenital, pentru c indic existena unei stri care precede drumul pe care mergi, o precondiie multifactorial, care explic mai multe dect drumul pe care ai pit iniial. Sintagma mea este de inspiraie kantian, n lectura fcut de Isaiah Berlin: the search for perfection does not seem to me a recipe for bloodshed, no better even if it is demanded by the sincerest of idealists, the purest of heart. No more rigorous moralist than Immanuel Kant has ever lived, but even he said, in a moment of illumination, . To force people into the neat uniforms demanded by dogmatically believed-in-schemes is almost always the road to inhumanity. We can only do what we can: but that we must do, against difficulties, n Isaiah Berlin, The Pursuit of the ideal, in Isaiah Berlin, The Crooked Timber of Humanity. Chapters in the History of Ideas (New York: Vintage Books, 1990), 18- 19. 2 n ciuda descreterii absolute i relative a clasei de mijloc sau tocmai din aceast pricin, importana strategic a clasei de mijloc n democraia american a crescut. 3 Asemenea treceri din categoria clasei de mijloc ctre elita social se fceau nainte prin intermediul segmentului upper-middle-class. n ultimele dou decenii, s-a ntrit the under middle class.

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prin creterea numrului sracilor din USA, att n termeni relativi, ct i absolui, n condiiile scderii veniturilor medii ale acestui segment. Clasa de mijloc a srcit, iar sracii au srcit i mai tare. n contrapondere, bogaii s-au mbogit, iar superbogaii s-au mbogit chiar mai mult. Sraci au crescut n termeni relativi i absolui, n vreme ce numrul celor bogai a sczut. Ponderea deinut de categoria 1% din venituri i din averea americanilor erau similare cu cele ale structurilor oligarhice din ri precum Rusia sau Iran. Articolul lui Stiglitz se ncheia cu urmtoarele cuvinte: the top 1 percent have the best houses, the best education, the best doctors, and the best lifestyles, but there is one thing that money doesnt seem have bought: an understanding that their fate is bound up with the other 99 percent live. Throughout history, this is something that the top 1 percent eventually do learn. Too late. Cu un an naintea articolului minimalist citat mai sus, Stiglitz a publicat un voluminos best-seller care analiza cauzele crizei economice i financiare mondiale Freefall. America, Free Markets, and the Sinking of the World Economy. Printre cauzele crizei devastatoare nceput n 2008, dar nc nencheiat, erau cele legate de politicile falimentare fundamentate pe gndirea economic liberal neoclasic, reprezentat de Milton Friedman i coala de la Chicago, gndire care devenise canonul noului capitalism, dar s-a dovedit falimentar att prin promovarea (i mai ales justificarea) capitalismului complet dereglementat, ct i a unor serii de inegaliti economice i sociale att de pregnante nct snt incompatibile cu logica democraiile consolidate. Referindu-se la feluritele pri componente ale respectivei teorii, Stiglitz a insistat asupra modului n care funcionarea economiei reale, iar n particular criza economic global, le-a contrazis cteva dintre tezele acceptate de aproape toat lumea ca un fel de dogme economice capitaliste. Una dintre componente este modul n care aceast teorie explic determinarea veniturilor i a inegalitii. Cum putem explica salariile relative ale lucrtorilor necalificai sau calificai, sau remunerarea directorilor de firm? Teoria neoclasic a venit cu o justificare a inegalitii spunnd c fiecare lucrtor este pltit n funcie de contribuia sa marginal la societate. Resursele snt rare, iar resursele i mai rare trebuie s aib un pre mai mare, pentru a avea sigurana c snt bine folosite. A interfera cu remunerarea directorilor ar nsemna, conform acestei concepii, s interferezi cu eficiena pieei. De-a lungul ultimului sfert de secol ns, s-au adunat tot mai multe dubii cu privire la capacitatea acestei teorii de a explica majorarea exponenial a salariilor directorilor: fa de acum treizeci de ani, cnd salariul mediu directorial era de vreo patruzeci de ori mai mare dect cel al angajatului mediu, acum l depete de sute sau chiar mii de ori. ...Anul trecut, pentru directorii executivi ai firmelor din cadrul indicelui S&P 500 salariul s-a ridicat n medie la 10,5 milioane de dolari, adic de 344 de ori mai mult dect salariile americanilor reprezentativi. Nivelurile de remunerare pentru managerii fondurilor private de investiii s-au ridicat nc i mai mult n stratosfera salarizrii. Anul trecut, managerii celor mai mari 50 de fonduri de acoperire i de investiii n aciuni necotate au ncasat n medie 588 de milioane de dolari fiecare, adic de peste 19.000 de ori mai mult dect ctigau muncitorii americani reprezentativi1.1 Joseph E. Stiglitz, n cdere liber. America, piaa liber i prbuirea economiei mondiale, traducere de Smaranda Nistor, cuvnt nainte de Crengua Nicolae (Bucureti: Publica, 2010), 388, 597-598. Pentru publicul din Romnia, dar i din alte ri care s-au aventurat s fac mprumuturi mari i pe termen lung de la Fondul Monetar Internaional, cartea lui Stiglitz este lectur obligatorie, ntruct demonstreaz cum i de ce acest organism bancar a nenorocit mai multe state care au comis eroarea de a face mprumuturi masive, pe termen lung. Condiiile impuse de FMI guvernelor din respectivele state s-au dovedit aberante din punct de vedere economic i social, iar demonstraia este fcut de un insider: laureat al Premiului Nobel pentru economie, n 2001, Stiglitz a fost director adjunct al Bncii Mondiale i consilier economic al preedintelui Bill Clinton. Sfera Politicii nr. 2 (168) / 2012

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Exemplele ocante, statisticile i analizele fcute de Stiglitz au avut un impact major asupra modului n care naiunea american i nu numai s-au raportat la cei responsabili pentru criza economic i financiar global. Comparaiile sale ntre cei din categoria 1% i cei din categoria 99% au avut un ecou neateptat, contribuind la creterea contiinei de sine a celor din urm, iar n ultim instan la revolta acestora. Astfel, cei din grupul 99% al societii americane, o majoritate supercalificat, au reacionat la mesajul din textele lui Stiglitz i au ieit n strad, sub deviza We are the 99%!. Concret, pe 17 septembrie 2011, la New York, s-a format micarea Occupy Wall Street, ale crei proteste au atras repede atenia americanilor i a ntregii lumi1. S-a declanat o serie interminabil de proteste, micarea de rezisten Occupy (n fiecare ora au ocupat cte ceva, dar nu tot Wall Street) extinzndu-se la Washington,D.C., Boston, Chicago, Seattle, statul California (unde s-au nregistrat cele mai multe proteste, n localiti precum Oackland, San Francisco, Sacramento, Berkeley, Palo Alto, Los Angeles), precum i n localiti din toate celelalte state americane2. Protestele s-au rspndit la nivel internaional. Deja pe 9 octombrie 2011, avuseser loc sau erau n desfurare proteste Occupy n 95 de orae din 82 de ri ale lumii. Pe 1 decembrie 2011, pe site-urile lui Occupy Together se nregistraser proteste n 2.686 localiti din ntreaga lume. Micarea de rezisten rmnea una new-yorkez, american, dar ecourile ei s-au globalizat. La fel cum s-au petrecut lucrurile i cu criza economic i financiar global, care mai nti s-a declanat la New York, pe Wall Street. Cteva dintre cele mai puternice mesaje i discursuri ale acestor micri anti-Establishment se leag de cele mai importante discriminri la care a fost supus supermajoritatea de 99%. Un sistem politic n care 99% din populaie este discriminat cu greu poate fi considerat democratic. Creterea inegalitii n cadrul celei mai puternice democraii din lume a devenit o chestiune de interes major pentru tiina politic, economie, statistic, sociologie, tiinele sociale n general. O alt surs de date este cartea lui David Rothkopf, Superclass, un best-seller mondial. Autorul scoate n eviden statistici relevante la nivel global pentru creterea inegalitii n general, iar n particular pentru adncirea inegalitii de avere ntre cei bogai i cei foarte bogai: dac venitul mediu real al unei familii americane a crescut, ntre 1990 si 2004, cu doar 2%, n cazul celor 90% situate n ealonul inferior, el a sporit cu 57% pentru acel 1% din ealonul superior, cu un spectaculos 85% pentru 0,1% i cu 112% pentru cei mai bogai 0,01% dintre americani. Asta nseamn c oamenii cei mai bogai i sporesc averea aproape de dou ori mai repede dect cei bogai.... .... un studiu din 2006, realizat de Universitatea Naiunilor Unite (UNU-WIDER), afirma c zece procente din adulii aflai n virful piramidei dein 85% din averea lumii, n vreme ce populaia situat n partea de jos a ierarhiei abia de stpnete un procent.....n vreme ce aceast controleaz 85% din averea mondial, primele dou procente din acest grup dein jumtate din bogia planetei, iar un procent din aceasta din urm poseda n jur de 40%....

1 O observaie important trebuie fcut aici, chiar dac ntr-o not de subsol: dinamismul societii civile americane nu a disprut, ci cunoate o renatere n forme inedite, care acum 15 ani erau imprevizibile. Dup micarea civico-politic numite The Tea Party, micarea Occupy Wall Street/We are the 99! pune ntr-o lumin nou dezbaterea lansat de Robert D. Putnam, n Bowling Alone. The Collapse and Revival of American Community (New York, London, Toronto: A Touchstone Book, Published by Simon & Schuster, 2001), cu privire la modul n care Alexis de Tocqueville nelegea rolul societiii civile n consolidarea democraiei americane . 2 Chiar dac s-au autodefinit drept micri de rezisten lipsite de lideri, noile organizaii s-au dovedit bine organizate i i-au deschis rapid site-uri care pot fi citite pe Internet de oricine, din toat lumea, cum ar fi www.wearethe99percent.tumblr.com , www.occupywallst.org , www.occupytogether.org , www.parentsforoccupywallst.com .

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...Miliardarii lumii, aproximativ o mie de indivizi cu totul, au o avere combinat ce-o depete pe aceea a celor mai sraci 2,5 miliarde de pmnteni1. Problema inegalitii crescnde din democraiile consolidate, dar i din alte democraii, este mai veche i trebuie neleas ntotdeauna n contextul su istoric. Or, contextul actual este cel al crizei generalizate, pe care l-am explicat pe larg n teoria celor trei crize (criza economic i financiar mondial; criza geopolitic de dup prbuirea regimurilor comuniste de tip sovietic i 9/11; criza democraiilor). Din punct de vedere epistemologic, n multe discipline, vremea crizelor este vremea revizionismelor. Criza generalizat se caracterizeaz i parial provine din incapacitatea nelegerii soluiilor pentru problemele concrete. Criza generalizat este i o criz a cunoaterii. Din aceast pricin, incertitudinile, dar mai ales deznodmintele i consecinele neprevzute mping aproape exclusiv ctre revizionism (istoric, politic, epistemologic), ctre reinterpretarea trecutului sau a cauzelor din perspectiva efectelor produse azi, n particular din perspectiva efectelor negative, dezastruoase sau a celor cu daune relativ iremediabile. Prea muli uit de principiul consecinelor neintenionate. Criza economic i financiar mondial declanat n 2008 a scos la iveal adevruri ascunse ale democraiilor contemporane, n particular paradoxuri, dileme i ambiguiti, pe care dac teoria democraiei le ignor n continuare s-ar putea trezi fr obiectul muncii. Coinciden sau nu, n perioada interbelic, precedenta mare a criz a democraiei (numit i first reversed wave, ntre 1922-1942) s-a produs tocmai pe fondul crizei economice i financiare globale, care a culminat cu Marea Depresiune (The Great Depression, pe care estimrile modeste o situeaz ntre 1929-1933, dar care a durat mai muli ani naintea i dup respectivului interval, ceea ce ne duce la o cvasisuprapunere cronologic a celor dou). Iar criza geopolitic de atunci a condus ctre cel mai devastator rzboi din istoria omenirii, cel de-al doilea rzboi mondial. Democraia a trecut atunci n plan secund, i datorit blamrii sale de ctre forele inamice cum c ar fi stat la originea tuturor dificultilor politice, economice i sociale ale epocii2. Pe fondul declinului democraiilor interbelice, pe prim plan s-au aflat alte dou mari fore politice i geopolitice, care luptau pentru supremaie: micrile radicale de dreapta, a cror ascensiune a fost descris drept o reacie disperat fa de influena mondial a regimului radical de stnga din Rusia bolevic, care i baza dominaia intern absolut pe exterminarea social a unor mase imense de oameni. Tocmai datorit crizei democraiei i regresului democratic, aceast confruntare dintre naional-socialism i bolevism a devenit cel mai important conflict politic, fiind denumit rzboiul civil european3. Este semnificativ faptul c n ciuda viziunilor apocaliptice care au dominat lumea de atunci i care au persistat decenii ntregi pn la urm toate cele trei crize au fost rezolvate pozitiv, iar ulterior lumea democratic postbelic a intrat ntr-o ndelungat perioad de miracole economice, prosperitate, consolidare a democraiei. A fost epoca renaterii democraiei, n care filosofia antidiscriminrii i micrile1 David Rothkopf, Superclass. Elita global a puterii i lumea sa, traducere de Alina Popescu (Bucureti: Publica, 2009), 125, 78-79, 121. 2 ntr-o versiune lrgit a acestui studiu voi cita pe larg i n mod comparativ sondajele de opinie din mai multe democraii consolidate, care nregistreaz scderea ncrederii tocmai n instituiile democraiei. Nu trebui ns comis eroarea de a compara situaia din democraiile consolidate cu cea din Romnia, unde nivelul sczut al ncrederii n instituiile democratice reprezint cu totul altceva. La noi, nivelul ncrederii n inistituiile democraiei nu a sczut niciodat, pentru c a fost de la bun nceput sczut, ceea ce este tipic pentru democraiile cu malformaii congenitale. 3 Pentru explicarea pe larg a tezei rzboiului civil european, vezi Ernst Nolte, Rzboiul civil european, 1917 1945. Naional-socialism i bolevism, cu prefaa autorului la ediia n limba romn, traducere de Irina Cristea, cuvnt nainte de Florin Constantiniu (Bucureti: Grupul editorial Corint, 2005). Sfera Politicii nr. 2 (168) / 2012

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politice antidiscriminatorii au obinut succese remarcabile i n care s-au pus bazele pentru diversificarea tipologiei discriminrii i antidiscriminrii din zilele noaste. Mai mult, epoca Rzboiului Rece a fost aceea n care supraputerile lumii (URSS i SUA, precum i sateliii ori aliaii lor din Pactul de la Varovia i din NATO) nu s-au mai confruntat n mod direct, pe cmpul de lupt. Dup ce confruntarea dintre cele dou supraputeri a ncetat, s-a trecut de la lumea bipolar la lumea unipolar, iar Statele Unite ale Americii a devenit singura supraputere a lumii, datorit dezechilibrului strategic global, a nceput noua criz geopolitic, ale crei efecte au fost agravate de celelalte dou crize majore. Revenind la explicarea contextului politico-istoric actual al raportului dintre discriminare i antidiscriminare, se impun cteva constatri cu privire la statutul democraiei pe plan mondial. Din punct de vedere cantitativ i statistic, asistm la o expansiune fr precedent a regimurilor democratice. Expansiunea [sau fluxul democratizrii] se petrece ns ntr-o perioad tulbure, plin de ambiguiti i contradicii. Deja se manifestau multiple semne ale regresului [sau refluxului democratizrii], n particular n anumite state din categoria cel de-al treilea val al democratizrii, dar i n state care formal aparin celui de-al doilea val al democratizrii. Cteva exemple snt semnificative. Astfel, n Rusia postsovietic, dup retragerea lui Boris Ieln din poziia de preedinte i promovarea n aceeai funcie a fostului agent KGB (ulterior, director al FSB, serviciul succesor al KGB, pe linia intern a serviciilor secrete), Vladimir Putin, sistemul politic a pstrat anumite caracteristici formale ale democraiei, ns a cptat i i-a consolidat mai multe caracteristici ale unui regim autoritar. Din pricina regresului Rusiei nspre categoria illiberal democracy i mai ales datorit enormei sale influene n fostul spaiu sovietic i dincolo de acesta, precum i datorit unor evoluii similare din alte spaii, prea c se confirm ipoteza privind alternana dintre fluxurile democratizrii i refluxurile acesteia1. ns pe plan global, au continuat mai multe evoluii democratizatoare, a cror pondere a contrabalansat pe cea a regimurilor cu democraie involutiv. Din punct de vedere strict aritmetic, numrul rilor n curs de democratizare este mai mare dect al rilor cu regres democratic. Analiza calitativ a noilor democraii, inclusiv pe dimensiunile practici discriminatorii-politici antidiscriminatorii, scoate ns la iveal o realitate mai puin cunoscut i recunoscut. Exemplele snt mai mult sau mai puin cunoscute i ele au implicat trecerea de la partidul unic la sisteme pluripartidiste, organizarea de alegeri libere i corecte (ori reorganizri de alegeri), constituirea unor guverne de coaliie, schimbarea din funcie a unor lideri legai de vechile regimuri politice (i compromii), ba chiar proteste populare cu motivaii diverse i care au avut consecine vizibile. Datorit intensei mediatizri internaionale, n primul deceniu al acestui secol de o notorietate particular s-au bucurat alegerile din Afganistan (alegeri prezideniale n 2004, alegeri parlamentare n 2005) i Irak (alegeri parlamentare n 2005), dup schimbrile de regim de acolo (regime change). Schimbrile din cele dou state critice pentru rzboiul mondial antiterorist s-au petrecut n urma interveniei militare strine, mai precis a ocupaiei americane (i aliate), care a dobort regimurile dictatoria1 Termenul de illiberal democracy (pe care nu m grbesc s-l traduc) a fost introdus de ctre Fareed Zakaria n studiul The Rise of Illiberal Democracy, Foreign Affairs, November/December 1997. n cadrul acestui studiu m voi referi ns la varianta lrgit i clarificat a acelui text, adic la cartea lui Fareed Zakaria [n ediia paperback, with a new afterword of the author], The Future of Freedom. Illiberal Democracy at Home at Abroad (New York, London: W. W. Norton & Company, 2004). n afar de Rusia, Ucraina, Belarus, Venezuela, Peru, Pakistan, Republica Africii Centrale .a.m.d., Zakaria aplic demersul explicativ legat de illiberal democracy i pentru anumite pri crucial semnificative din istoria unor ri democratice cum ar fi Frana Revoluionar de la 1789, prima illiberal democracy din istorie, ns cu consecine pe termen lung, pn azi, ori chiar United States of America, asupra creia voi reveni mai ncolo.

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le din acele ri (dictatura militar a lui Saddam Hussein n Irak; regimul teocratic taliban n Afganistan). n prealabil, n spaiul fostei Uniuni Sovietice avuseser loc evenimente politice notabile, care preau s indice o ieire a unor state din sfera de interese ruseti, ba chiar o apropiere considerabil de interesele occidentale. Schimbrile din fostele republici sovietice au prut la momentul respectiv cruciale i preau a reprezenta contrapunctul fa de involuiile democratice din Rusia. n noiembrie 2003, s-a petrecut n Georgia aa-zisa revoluie a rozelor: n urma alegerilor parlamentare libere i a protestelor violente ulterioare, a fost forat s demisioneze preedintele Eduard evardnadze, fost ef KGB din Georgia, fost prim-secretar al Partidului Comunist Georgian, fost ministru de externe al URSS. n perioada noiembrie 2004-ianuarie 2005, s-a petrecut n Ucraina aa-numita revoluia portocalie, ca urmare a manifestrilor populare care au contestat vehement corectitudinea procesului electoral n urma cruia a fost ales preedinte Viktor Ianukovici, care se bucura de sprijinul explicit al Rusiei; presiunile internaionale i atenia mediatic global au facilitat schimbrile cerute de protestatarii adunai n strad i care nu mai voiau s plece; n ultim instan, a fost organizat o nou rund de alegeri, n urma crora a fost ales ca preedinte Viktor Iucenko, care era prooccidental. O evoluie bine primit pe plan internaional a fost i aa-numita Cedar Revolution1 (revoluia cedrului) din Liban, declanat n februarie 2005, care a cuprins o serie de manifestri populare de protest provocate de asasinarea primului ministru Rafik Hariri, iar n ultim instan au condus la retragerea trupelor siriene de ocupaie (dup trei decenii, ocupaie nceput n 1976). n 2011, s-au petrecut evoluiile spectaculoase care au deschis orizonturi democratice ntr-o regiune care pruse pn atunci de neschimbat. Protestele devastatoare ncepute din Tunisia, prbuirea unor regimuri dictatoriale din Nordul Africii (Egiptul, Libia), precum i rspndirea confruntrilor violente n Orientul Mijlociu (vezi mai ales cazul Siriei), precum i organizarea efectiv ori planificat a alegerilor libere n mai multe ri din zon, artau c asistm la o confirmare a prelungirii efectelor celui de-al treilea val al democratizrii2. Dup cum arat Samuel Huntington, al treilea val al democratizrii a nceput n Portugalia, n 1974, cu revoluia garoafelor din Portugalia, apoi a inclus statele din sudul Europei (Spania, Grecia), iar n 1989 statele comuniste din Europa Central i de Est, dup 1991 republicile fostei URSS, Africa de Sud, .a.m.d. Cam aa arat partea cantitativ a democratizrii. Dac folosim ns criterii calitative, observm c n ciuda caracterului global al expansiunii democratice democraiile moderne consolidate i democraia n general se afl ntr-o criz profund de legitimitate. Pare ilogic s vorbim despre criza democraiei n vreme ce asistm la intensificarea proceselor democratizrii, ns tocmai de aceea se vorbete n logic despre paradoxuri, pentru c nu tot ce este real este raional i cu att mai puin nu tot ce este real este logic. Parafraznd un citat celebru din opera unui printe fondator al teoriei neoinstituionaliste, n vreme ce democraia duce la stabilitate, democratizarea duce la instabilitate. O dat cu expansiunea democratic, s-au extins i practicile antidiscriminatorii. n multe din noile democraii, filosofia antidiscriminrii nu funcioneaz. Dintr-un lung ir de exemple, am s ncep cu ultimul (n raport cu data scrierii acestui text), petrecut n martie 2012, n Irak. Dup cum au relatat ageniile de pres, peste 90 de tineri emo, liceeni i1 Termenul the Cedar Revolution a fost pentru prima dat folosit de ctre Paula Dobrianski, Under Secretary of State for Global Affairs, pentru a sublinia similaritile cu revoluia rozelor din Georgia i revoluia portocalie din Ucraina. 2 Teoria descriptiv a celor trei valuri ale democratizrii a fost expus de regretatul Samuel Huntington [1927 2008], n volumul su The Third Wave. Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Norman and London: University of Oklahoma Press, 1993). n cele ce urmeaz m voi referi n particular la capitolele The Start of the Third Wave, The Waves of Democratization i Explaining Democratization Waves, 3-40. Sfera Politicii nr. 2 (168) / 2012

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studeni, au fost ucii cu pietre de ctre fundamentalitii musulmani. Considerai drept adoratori ai diavolului, tinerii emo irakieni i imitau pe occidentali, att n aspectele exterioare, legate de mbrcminte, coafur, obiecte de podoab, ct i ca atitudine i comportament n societate. Dar emo nu are nici o legtur cu adorarea diavolului. n realitate, fenomenul emo (etimologia se leag de termenul englez emotive) este o subcultur legat de promovarea hipersensibilitii, iar adepii si au un stil clieizat de mbrcminte, coafur, frez, cosmetic .a.m.d. La noi sau n alte ri, de-abia snt bgai n seam, pentru c nu difer prea mult de alte grupri marginale i/sau automarginalizate, singura grij a unor prini fiind ca nu cumva copiii lor s nu ajung aa. Fiind la origine un fenomen legat de muzica hardcore punk rock, dup Beatlemania, fenomenul Elvis, flower power, micarea hyppie .a.m.d., fenomenul emo este una dintre multiplele forme de manifestare ale libertii individuale, n care ns personalitatea individului este anihilat, datorit opiunii pentru un comportament imitativ, canonizat, un comportament de turm, etc. Cu toate acestea, n rile oarecum normale din lumea de azi, nimnui nu-i trece prin minte s i discrimineze pe adepii emo. Mai degrab, unii dintre emo-iti i fac ru lor nile dect celor din jur, pentru c se separ de societate ori aleg s consume droguri, s se sinucid, fr ca aceste comportamente s se abat de la media din ultimele decenii pentru aceste fenomene anomice. n ultim instan, este o mod, la fel de efemer precum precedentele. Oricum, chiar dac unii adepi emo aleg gesturi sau comportamente radicale, acesta nu este un motiv s-i ucizi. Dac ncalc legea sau libertatea individual a altora, exist tot felul de sanciuni, la fel precum oricine altcineva. Discriminarea i persecutarea adepilor emo n Irak sau n lumea arab i n alte pri ale lumii musulmane nu are de-a face neaprat cu fenomenul emo n sine, ci mai degrab cu respingerea violent a influenelor occidentale i cretine. Marile dosare ale discriminrii indivizilor i colectivitilor cretine din lumea arab i/sau islamic snt numeroase i abominabile. Organizaiile internaionale antidiscriminare practic de cteva decenii ncoace standardele duble i reaciile disproporionate, fcndu-se c nu observ aceste lucruri sau fcnd prea puin caz de ele. n schimb, prefer s atace regimurile democratice ale lumii libere, pentru discriminri minore, mai mult inventate sau cel puin exagerate. Interdiciile construirii bisericilor cretine ori aruncarea lor n aer acolo unde nc mai exist, asasinarea preoilor, clugrilor, prelailor, maicilor, ori rpirea, torturarea, forarea convertirii la Islam i uciderea credincioilor cretini nu mai snt de mult vreme incidente izolate, iar n unele state din lumea islamic au fcut posibil reapariia termenului genocid n politica internaional1. Democratizarea Irakului a fost ca un semnal dat sunniilor, iiilor, organizaiilor teroriste pentru discriminarea, persecutarea i uciderea sistematic a cretinilor. Filiala al Qaeda din Irak a declarat public despre cretinii irakieni c reprezint o int legitim a asasinatelor. n Irak tria una dintre cele mai vechi comuniti cretine din ntregul Orient Mijlociu, nc de pe vremea apostolului Toma, care a fost organizat de-a lungul timpului n biserici catolice de rit rsritean, ortodoxe i protestante. Minoritatea assyrian cretin (strveche populaie semit a regiunii, cu rdcini n vechile civilizaii sumero-akkadiene) este principala int a discriminrii, persecuiilor i crimelor. Alte grupuri cretine snt alctuite din armeni (care s-au refugiat n Irak dup genocidul armean organizat la nceputul primului rzboi mondial de ctre Imperiul Otoman), turcmeni, chiar arabi. n 2003, existau n Irak 1.500.000 cretini, adic 5% din populaie. n mai puin de 10 ani, din pricina crimelor, atentatelor cu bombe, rpirilor, convertirilor cu fora, dar mai ales emigrrii forate (n Siria, Iordania, dar i n Kurdistan), comunitate1 Pentru aceste persecuii, dintre miile de referine on-line, vezi http://www.persecution. org/2011/01/09/islamic-countries-are-top-persecutors-of-christians/

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cretin s-a redus la jumtate. Discriminarea sistematic i persecutarea cretinilor n Algeria, Afganistan, Kosovo, Egipt, Indonezia, Iran, Liban, Malaezia, Pakistan, Arabia Saudit, Turcia, Sudan, Somalia, Yemen, Nigeria, snt fapte binecunoscute n lume, chiar dac anumite organizaii internaionale antidiscriminare nu au fcut mare lucru pentru protejarea lor. i pentru ca s nu cread cumva cineva c discriminarea, persecutarea i uciderea cretinilor este un monopol islamic, trebuie sublininiat c de un tratament la fel de ru se bucur cretini n cadrul civilizaiei hinduse, n India, din partea extremitilor hindu, precum i n China, Coreea de Nord, Vietnam, Thailanda, Cambodgia, Laos. n India, cretinii snt persecutai att de majoritatea hindus, ct i de minoritatea islamic, la rndul ei persecutat de extremitii hindui1. Un simplu calcul aritmetic i anumite date comparative ne arat c discriminarea & persecuia mpotriva cretinilor se petrece n trei dintre cele mai importante aglomerri demografice ale lumii contemporane: China, India, lumea islamic. n ciuda faptului c, n termeni relativi i absolui, cretininismul reprezint religia cu cei mai muli adepi din lume, cretinii snt cei mai discriminai n lumea noncretin, care este enorm. Prin contrast, iar lucrul acesta trebuie mereu subliniat, cei care vin din lumea islamic, India, China i din oricare alte pri ale lumii n Europa occidental (i rsritean), nordul Americii, dar i n America Latin, Australia, Noua Zeeland, Africa de Sud, Israel, Japonia, se bucur de toate drepturile i libertile universale ale omului. Chiar i atunci cnd amenin cu distrugerea imperiului lui Satan, cum este denumit cretintatea de multe ori de ctre fundamentalitii islamici, chiar i n predicile din moscheile construite liber n teritoriile menionate. Dac exist o discriminare/persecutare mai puternic dect cea a cretinilor din lumea arab i/sau islamic, aceea este discriminarea/ persecutarea evreilor. n nordul Africii i Orientul Mijlociu triau n 1948 aproximativ 900.000 evrei, dar dup constituirea statului Israel, rboaiele arabo-evreieti, numrul evreilor din ntreaga regiune s-a redus la 8.000. n perioada post-Holocaust, cel mai puternic antisemitism din lume se manifest n lumea islamic. Adesea, n discusurile unor lideri religioi sunnii sau iii, reapar teme i obsesii similare cu acelea din Mein Kampf, ceea ce a condus la inventarea termenilor Islamo-fascism i fascism cu fa uman2. De altfel, din arsenalul ideologic al micrilor islamiste teroriste, discursul urii (hatespeech) mbrac forme anticretine i antisemite radicale, culminnd cu ndemnul de a ucide, cu promisiunea iertri acordat n avans. Cu toate c datele i statisticile snt neclare, discriminarea, persecutarea i uciderea homosexualilor, lesbienelor, transvestiilor ori a femeilor adultere snt capitole de sine stttoare n cronica discriminrii pe baze sexuale. Chiar dac se petrec1 Despre dicriminrile grave, persecuiile sistematice i uciderile n mas ale cretinilor n India, nfptuite att de hindui, ct i de minoritatea musulman, vezi relatrile i comentariile americanului de origine indian i religie musulamn Fareed Zakaria, n The Future of Freedom, n particular capitolul The Islamic Exception, 119-160. 2 Regretatul Cristopher Hitchens [1949-2011] a utilizat primul sintagma fascim cu fa uman i tot el a fost unul dintre promotorii termenului Islamo-fascism. Iat un fragment dintr-un bine argumentat articol, Christopher Hitchens, Defending Islamofascism. Its a valid term. Heres why, Slate, October 22, 2007,: The term Islamofascism was first used in 1990 in Britains Independent newspaper by Scottish writer Malise Ruthven, who was writing about the way in which traditional Arab dictatorships used religious appeals in order to stay in power. I didnt know about this when I employed the term fascism with an Islamic face to describe the attack on civil society on Sept. 11, 2001, and to ridicule those who presented the attack as some kind of liberation theology in action. is meant to summon a dual echo of both Alexander Dubcek and Susan Sontag (if I do say so myself), and in any case, it cant be used for everyday polemical purposes, so the question remains: Does Bin Ladenism or Salafism or whatever we agree to call it have anything in common with fascism?. On-line, textul poate fi accesat la http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/fighting_words/2007/10/ defending_islamofascism.html / Sfera Politicii nr. 2 (168) / 2012

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schimbri importante n lumea arab i islamic, caracteristicile societii feudale snt nc prezente, iar victimele se adun. Ptrunderea filosofiei antidiscriminrii n aceste zone este mult mai incert dect extinderea democratizrii. Filosofia antidiscrimrii este un fenomen cumulativ. Reflecia antidiscriminatorie cuprinde capitolele antichitii, Evului Mediu i modernitii. Contiina discriminrii a fost un epifenomen al civilizaiei iudeo-mediteraneene trzii, al revoluiei spirituale cretine i s-a accentuat n epocile Renaterii, Iluminismului, Enciclopedismului, Revoluiei Americane i Revoluiei Franceze. Secole de-a rndul, n nenumrate opere filosofice, etice, politologice, istorice i culturale, valoarea egalitii era un reper tot mai greu de ignorat. ns abia manifestele politice care au revoluionat Lumea Veche i au inaugurat Lumea Nou au dus la iniierea unor politici pentru combaterea discriminrii, care au dat consisten noilor democraii. Parafrazndu-l pe Marx, filosofii dintotdeauna au interpretat n diferite moduri fenomenele inegalitii, nedreptii, exploatrii umane, ns abia aliana gnditorilor, activitilor i politicienilor moderni a impus standarde, norme i politici sociale care au dus la mbuntirea spectaculoas a egalitii n lume. Schimbarea lumii s-a produs ns nu datorit contiinei cumulative a libertilor, drepturilor omului i necesitii combaterii discriminrilor diverse. Schimbarea s-a produs abia cnd dreptul la proprietate privat a fost garantat. Proprietatea individual reprezint fundamentul libertii individuale i garania luptei cu succes mpotriva discriminrii. Or, statisticile inegalitii economice din democraiile occidentale, ale cror ponderi snt similare cu statisticile inegalitii economice la nivel global, demonstreaz ct de precar este fundamentul libertii individuale. Precaritatea garaniei luptei cu succes mpotriva discriminrii va fi cu siguran n deceniile care urmeaz nu doar o tem de reflecie, ci un obiectiv important al campaniilor politice i sociale pentru schimbarea lumii n care trim. n ncheierea acestui text, cteva observaii etimologice i logice personale. Termenul de discriminare mi-a aprut pe Google Search cu 8.590.000 de referine n limba romn, n vreme ce termenul discrimination avea 116.000.000 de referine n limba englez. Nici dac stai s citeti o via nu le epuizezi. Marea problem cu studierea unor asemenea surse inepuizabile este redundana lor, incompletitudinea, caracterul adesea improvizat, lipsit de logic, care ingnor regulile metodologice i conceptuale simple ale unei cercetri calitative. Una dintre consecinele exploziei informaionale este creterea cantitativ absolut a referinelor i scderea relativ a calitii lor. Dovezile pentru aseriunile de mai sus snt numeroase. De pild, dac ne uitm chiar la termenul n discuie, aa cum este el tratat n Wikipedia. Am verificat termenul discrimination n versiunea English din Wikipedia, ca i n alte limbi. Am gsit o varz conceptual i epistemologic, n care erau amestecate de-a valma lucruri utile i tmpenii. De pild, dac v uitai la versiunea englez de dinainte de 20 februarie 2012, cnd am intrat pe articol i l-am editat, gsii la etymology urmtoarele: The term discrimination began to be used as an expression of derogatory racial prejudice in the 1830s from Thomas D. Rices performances as Jim Crow. Since the American Civil War the term discrimination generally evolved in American English usage as an understanding of prejudicial treatment of an individual based solely on their race, later generalized as membership in a certain socially undesirable group or social category . Referina este parial corect, ns prost explicat, dar mai ru este c asta nu nseamn etymology. Etimologia este acea disciplin (lingvistic) preocupat de studiul originii cuvintelor unei limbi, de rdcina termenilor. Etimologia etimologiei vine din greaca veche, unde = argue from etymology; analyse a word and find its origin, este un termen compus din , = the true sense of a word according to its origin, i = explanation, ground, statement, rule, principle, law, reflection, speech, account (precum i alte cteva zeci de

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accepii pentru acest termen polisemantic)1. Etimologia termenului dicriminare vine din latin, unde verbul discrimino = a separa, a distinge, a face o distincie. Seneca folosea sintagma discrimino inter se similia cu sensul de a distinge ntre lucruri asemntoare. Discriminator este cel care face diferena (precum la Sfntul Augustin). Discriminatio nseamn separare, n vreme ce substantivul discrimen nseamn printre altele spaiu care separ, interval, distan (ntre); diferen, deosebire; situaie n care trebuie s se decid, moment decisiv; primejdie (mare), moment critic2. Exerciiul etimologic ofer adesea o palet mai complex de sensuri dect trimiterile aproximative pe care le fac modernii, iar dup cum se vede mai sus deschiderile semantice snt mai profunde dect s-ar putea crede. n democraiile moderne, comiterea unei discriminri i mai ales comiterea sistematic a unor discriminri reprezint un moment critic, o primejdie (mare). Mai mult dect att, comiterea sistematic a discriminrii/discriminrilor conduce ntr-o situaie n care trebuie s se decid ceva legat chiar de natura respectivei democraii. Dup cum scria Seneca, cnd se comite o discriminare de fapt se face o distincie ntre lucruri asemntoare. Marea miz a democraiei este egalitatea. Discordana ntre nmulirea politicilor i sanciunilor antidiscriminatorii i creterea inegalitii din democraiile consolidate este un indiciu suplimentar al caracterului schizofrenic al democraiilor moderne.

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BERLIN, Isaiah, The Pursuit of the ideal, in Isaiah Berlin, The Crooked Timber of Humanity. Chapters in the History of Ideas, New York, Vintage Books, 1990. ELSHTAIN, Jean Bethke , Democracy on Trial , New York, Basic Books, 1995. GUU. G, Dicionar latin-romn, Bucureti, Editura tiinific i enciclopedic, 1983. HUNTINGTON, P. Samuel , Cine sntem? Provocrile la adresa identitii naionale americane, traducere de Nicolae Nstase, Filipetii de Trg, Antet, 2004. HUNTINGTON, P. Samuel, The Third Wave. Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century, Norman and London, University of Oklahoma Press, 1993. ISAAC, C Jeffrey, Democraia n vremuri ntunecate, traducere de Cristina Irimia, Postfa de Lucian Drdal, Iai, Polirom, 2000. LIDELL, G.,H. and SCOTT. R, Greek-English Lexicon. With a Revised Supplement, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1996. NOLTE, Ernst, Rzboiul civil european, 1917 1945. Naional-socialism i bolevism cu prefaa autorului la ediia n limba romn, traducere de Irina Cristea, cuvnt nainte de Florin Constantiniu, Bucureti, Grupul editorial Corint, 2005. PAVEL, Dan, HUIU, Iulia, Nu putem reui dect mpreun. O istorie analitic a Conveniei Democratice, 1989-2000, Iai, Polirom, 2003. PUTNAM, D. Robert, Bowling Alone. The Collapse and Revival of AmericanCommunity, New York, London, Toronto, A Touchstone Book, Published by Simon & Schuster, 2001. ROTHKOPH, David, Superclass. Elita global a puterii i lumea sa, traducere de Alina1 H. G. Lidell and R. Scott, Greek-English Lexicon. With a Revised Supplement (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996), 704, 1057-1059. 2 Pentru toate aceste sensuri, vezi G. Guu, Dicionar latin-romn (Bucureti: Editura tiinific i enciclopedic, 1983), 354-355. Sfera Politicii nr. 2 (168) / 2012

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Popescu, Bucureti, Publica, 2009. STIGLITZ, E. Joseph, n cdere liber. America, piaa liber

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