ACTA MVSEI APVLENSIS

APVLVM XLIV

A P V L V M

COLEGIUL DE REDACŢIE

GABRIEL T. RUSTOIU – redactor-şef VASILE MOGA – redactor-şef adjunct ANA DUMITRAN – secretar de redacţie HORIA CIUGUDEAN – membru DOINA DREGHICIU – membru GHEORGHE FLEŞER – membru IACOB MÂRZA – membru VALER MOGA – membru VIORICA SUCIU – membru VOLKER WOLLMANN – membru

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A C T A M V S E I A P V L E N S I S

XLIV

ALBA IULIA

MMVII

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ABOUT A CURVED DAGGER DISCOVERED AT PIATRA CRAIVII

In the Museum of Aiud’s collections is preserved an iron curved dagger that is coming from Piatra Craivii1, a rocky height in the environs of Craiva village (Cricău commune, Alba district), well known in the archaeological literature for the Dacian fortress and settlement2. The piece’s morphological and decorative characte-ristics generate a series of problems concerning the interpretation of such artefacts.

The curved dagger, made from iron, is of type with a spit at the haft and the fixing rivet is still preserved. Its blade has a ‘blood channel’ in the middle, while under the edge, on the half towards the haft, is another narrower groove. Between the ‘blood channel’ and the blade’s edge, close to the maximum curvature, was applied a complex decoration, consisting in four punched circles displayed in a rhomb-like shape and linked by incised lines, made with a chisel. The circle towards the dagger’s point has an incised ‘tail’, whereas the one towards the haft has two rather similar lines. The latter were perhaps linked to another circle (or a group of two), but the piece’s corrosion is hindering a more precise identification. Another circle, with two incised lines, was made on the blade’s area towards the haft, while an isolated one was placed right under the edge. The last visible circle is also under the edge, in the area towards the point.

Dimensions: total length – 31.9 cm; blade’s length – 27 cm; haft’s length – 4.9 cm; blade’s maximum width – 4.4 cm (fig. 1/1). The dagger was registered with the inventory no. 3457 and according to the older register of the Aiud Museum (which took over the collections belonging to the former Museum of Bethlen College) it was donated by Kerekes Mihály. This donation was made before 1901, the year when the piece was firstly published in the ‘History of Alba de Jos District’, as coming from Cetea, a site close to Piatra Craivii, without noticing the blade’s decorations3. Other weapons discovered at the foot of Piatra Craivii4 (a long sword of La Tène type and some spear heads)5 were published in the same book. In this case, the dagger might have been part of the same group of finds, representing the possible inventory of at least one destroyed incineration grave, of type Padea-Panagjurski Kolonii6. 1 I would like to thank Mrs. Matilda Takács, Mrs. Maria Vintilă and Mr. Paul Scrobotă, from the Museum of Aiud, for providing information concerning the artefact under discussion. The study is part of a project funded by a CNCSIS grant, code no. 1256/2007. 2 Berciu, Popa, Daicoviciu 1965; Moga 1981 etc. 3 Herepely, Cserni 1901, pl. 22/246. 4 Site known also as Piatra Caprei (Kecskekő in Hungarian). 5 Herepely, Cserni 1901, pl. 21/229-233; Róska 1944, p. 60, no. 51, fig. 23. 6 See the comments in Popa mss.

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Fig. 1. - 1. Curved dagger from Piatra Craivii; 2. Curved dagger from Mala Vrbica-Ajmana (after Stalio 1986).

About a Curved Dagger Discovered at Piatra Craivii 85

This type of graves, culturally defined by Z. Woźniak7, is dating from the 3rd/2nd and 1st century BC and is characterised by an association, in funerary inventories, of La Tène swords, spears, curved daggers and shield bosses. In many cases, these artefacts are accompanied by Thracian horse bits. Their distribution area is covering especially northern and north-western Bulgaria, Oltenia and the Danube’s Iron Gates region8. The presence of similar funerary complexes, plane or tumular, also in south-western Transylvania, is already well documented9 (fig. 2).

Fig. 2. - Distribution map of the funerary contexts belonging to the Padea-Panagjurski kolonii group.

7 Woźniak 1974, p. 74-138; idem 1976, p. 388-394. 8 Woźniak 1974, p. 74-138; idem 1976, p. 388-394; Zirra 1971, p. 235-237; Zirra 1976, p. 175-182; Popović 1989-1990; Sîrbu, Rustoiu 1999. 9 Rustoiu 2002, p. 11-40; idem 2005 (with previous bibliography).

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Plane incineration graves were discovered at Teleac, Blandiana and Tărtăria, while tumular graves were identified at Călan and Cugir. The latter are close to some Dacian fortresses and perhaps a similar situation might have been at Piatra Craivii. The frequent presence of these daggers with scabbards in graves of type Padea-Panagjurski Kolonii suggests a similar provenance for the piece under discussion. Alongside the above-mentioned finds, other older discoveries, only recently published, can be added. An example is the curved dagger with a fragmentary scabbard, discovered in the 19th century, which is coming from the surroundings of Deva10. At the same time, other pieces, published or not, might contribute to the increasing number of similar funerary contexts, not only in south-western Transylvania, but in the entire inner Carpathian region.

From a typological and morphological point of view, the curved daggers discovered in northern Balkans are uniform (fig. 3). Their length varies between 25 and 35 cm and in all cases the blades have a ‘blood channel’. Some differences can be observed in hafts’ shapes (with a spit or with fixing rings), or in blade’s curvature and thickness (narrower and with a pronounced curve, others more massive and with a deeper ‘blood channel’) etc. In some cases, their metal scabbards were also discovered.

The dagger from Piatra Craivii is of type with a spit at the haft, massive blade and a deeper ‘blood channel’. Similar pieces are known from the south of the Danube, as well as from the north of the river. From Bulgaria should be mentioned those from Altimir11, Komarevo12, Bărkačevo13, Sofronievo14, Panagjurski Kolonii15, Prisovo16 etc., while from Romania are coming the pieces from Izvoru17, Radovanu18, Dubova19 etc. At the same time, curved daggers have been found in peripheral 10 Bajusz 2005, p. 134, no. 69, fig. 18/141/3. 11 Nikolov 1965, p. 174, 178, fig. 15/b, 18. 12 Nikolov 1965, p. 184, fig. 23. 13 Nikolov 1965, p. 189, fig. 30. 14 Nikolov 1981, p. 40, fig. 6. 15 Dimitrova, Gizdova 1975, p. 48, pl. 4/1. 16 Woźniak 1974, p. 93, fig. 9/16. 17 Trohani 1981, p. 97-98, fig. 1 and information from G. Trohani to whom I would like to thank. The dagger from Izvoru has the blade decorated with a combination of lines and punched circles, but having a different composition. 18 Vulpe 1976, p. 208, fig. 18/1. 19 Zirra 1976, fig. 4/9; Spânu 2001-2002 (2004), p. 84, fig. 1/3. The incineration grave (and not inhumation, as it was sometimes mentioned) from Dubova (Mehedinţi) was discovered by chance in 1967, on the Danube’s bank, on the spot-find “Cotu Mare”. In the archaeological literature, this grave was sometimes located at Ogradena. From the same region are coming some spear heads, two curved daggers and a fragmentary sword, which may suggest the existence of some destroyed graves: Medeleţ, mss, sv. Dubova; Ogradena. Pieces from the above-mentioned grave were mentioned several times, see Zirra 1976, p. 179-180, fig. 3, no. 18 and fig. 4/4-5, 9 (shield boss, horse bit and curved dagger); Werner 1988, p. 91, no. 291; Sîrbu, Rustoiu 1999, fig. 5/2, 6/7 (in which we men-tioned the precise provenance of the finds, despite the wrong observation of Spânu 2001-2002

About a Curved Dagger Discovered at Piatra Craivii 87

areas, especially in the Scordiscian territory20, but also in the composite ethnic milieu, Celtic-Dacian, from Slovakia. In the latter region, a piece that is quite close to the dagger from Piatra Craivii was found in the settlement at Košeca-Nozdrovice21.

However, the closest analogy, concerning the shape and decoration, is coming from the grave no. 1 at Mala Vrbica-Ajmana, in the Iron Gates region, on the right bank of the Danube, in Serbia22 (fig. 1/2). This dagger has a length of 30.6 cm and above the ‘blood channel’ it was made a complex decoration, quite similar, from the structural point of view, to the one on the piece from Piatra Craivii. The question is whether the significance of entire composition was identical.

Blaženka Stalio is interpreting this decorative motif as a representation of a comet and of the constellation Ursa Major23. Depictions of various cosmic phenomena are often encountered on artefacts belonging to different periods and cultures24. Pliny (Nat. Hist., II, (22), 89-90), commenting archaic traditions, mentioned that people used to describe the comets in different ways, sometimes like beards, others as spears or swords and even as barrels, discs, torches, horns or manes. As a consequence, their depictions witnessed very probably a great variety. The same author (Nat. Hist., II, (23), 91-94) underlined that usually the comets foreshadowed ‘punishments with a difficult expiation’, but sometimes they were auspicious. That was the case in the time of Augustus, when ‘the people believed that the comet witnessed the acceptance of Caesar’s soul between the immortal gods’, a fact which determined the emperor to put the celestial symbol on Caesar’s bust, recently inaugurated in the forum. (2004), p. 88, note 8, who alleged that we have not) etc. More recently, D. Spânu rediscovered the inventory of this grave in the Bucharest Institute of Archaeology deposits, but due to a weak bibliographical knowledge, he presumed that it is an unknown grave from the Iron Gates region and published the finds: Spânu 2003. Noticing the mistake afterwards (but again without taking into consideration all literature concerning the subject), he reconsidered the discovery and mentioned the correct provenance, although ignoring his own previous error: Spânu 2001-2002 (2004). In this way, one might presume that two different graves were published and not only one, but published twice, with two different locations. At the same time, in both studies published by Spânu, many errors of documentation and methodology and as a result, of interpretation, can be observed. 20 Majnarić-Pandžić 1970, pl. 24/10, 28/5, 46/6; Todorović 1972, pl. 11/1, 13/1, 17/4, 29/2, 34/6, 36/1 (piece coming from a grave dated in the 1st century AD!); Božič 1981, p. 328, no. 75-76, pl. 3/36, 37, 9/9; Dizdar, Potrebica 2005, p. 60-62, map 1. 21 Nešporová 2002, p. 141, 314, fig. 101/2. 22 Stalio 1986, p. 33, fig. 42. 23 Stalio 1986, p. 34. 24 The astronomical knowledge of the pre- and proto-historical agricultural populations is documented by a series of artefacts used for measuring regular cosmic phenomena. For example, the so-called ‘crescents’ made from ceramic or bone and used during the Broze Age, discovered in various places in Europe, were probably used as astronomic and geodesic instruments (Kerner 2001. I would like to thank Florin Gogâltan for suggesting this study). In this context, it should be mentioned the andesite altar from Grădiştea de Munte (ancient Sarmizegetusa Regia, capital of the Dacian Kingdom), which was used as ‘astronomic device’ for calculating the date of the solstices and equinoxes, when also sacrifices were probably performed (Stănescu 1985-1986).

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Fig. 3. - Variants of curved daggers (sicae): 1. Călăraşi; 2. Golenţi (both after Nicolaescu-Plopşor 1945-1947); 3. Osen (after Nikolov 1990); 4. Viiaşu (after Berciu 1966); 5. Mala Vrbica-Ajmana (after Stalio 1986); 6.

Košeca-Nozdrovice (after Nešporová 2002). Different scales.

About a Curved Dagger Discovered at Piatra Craivii 89

Fig. 4. - Decorative elements on curved daggers: 1. Şişeşti (after Nicolaescu-Plopşor 1945-1947); 2, 4. Vajuga-Pesak (after Popović 1989-1990); 3. Pleven (after Popov 1928-1929); 5. Cetate (after Nicolaescu-Plopşor 1945-1947); 6. Rast (after Tudor 1968); 7. Orodel (after Nicolaescu-Plopşor 1945-1947); 8. Mala Vrbica-

Ajmana (after Stalio 1986).

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Fig. 5. - The Celtic ‘standard’ panoply (1) and the Dacian one (2).

About a Curved Dagger Discovered at Piatra Craivii 91

As concerning the significance of the decorations on the daggers found at Mala Vrbica-Ajmana and Piatra Craivii, it is difficult to find better evidence for the hypothesis suggested by the Serbian specialist, although one might not totally reject it. However, these representations might be considered celestial symbols, an interpretation suggested both by the individual elements and by the way in which they are combined. Unfortunately, in many cases the blades’ decoration was not observed, due to the advanced state of degradation of many known daggers. Nevertheless, a significant number of examples are known today, which enables us to analyse the most frequent symbols.

The basic decorative element is the punched circle. In many cases, it appears alone, in the area of maximum curvature of the blade, under the edge25 (fig. 4/1) and in just few occasions it was made on the edge26. Another way was to make three or four circles displayed in one row along the blade27 (fig. 4/2), or to group them as a triangle28 (fig. 4/3). The punched circles are often associated with zoomorphic elements, especially pairs of opposed prey birds (eagles). They are highly stylised sometimes, but the original concept remains29 (fig. 4/5-6). The circles were either placed between the birds, or they frame them, while in some cases a combination of the previously mentioned situations can be observed30. Not at last, the circles were associated with registers of small triangles punched along the blades31 (fig. 4/4).

Another symbolic element, although less frequent, is the punched circle surrounded by radial incised lines. The so-called ‘suns’ are combined in the same way as the simpler circles, with opposed eagles32 (fig. 4/7) or with registers of triangles33 (fig. 4/8). A similar solar symbol was also depicted on a brooch of type Alesia, discovered in the settlement at Gomolava34.

As conclusion, it should be observed that the zoomorphic elements are

25 Şişeşti (Nicolaescu-Plopşor 1945-1947, p. 28, pl. 4/11); Karpačevo (Popov 1928-1929, p. 282, fig. 146/a); Altimir (Kull 2002, p. 211, fig. 15/5); Prisovo (Tsarov 1994, p. 105, pl. 2/2); Galatin (Woźniak 1974, p. 90, fig. 8/11). I. Marazov is considering these symbols as a depiction of full moon, marking the end of the initiation cycle of the young warriors (Marazov 2006, p. 136-137, fig. 9). 26 Blandiana (Rustoiu 2002, fig. 20/2; idem 2005, p. 114-115, fig. 8/2). 27 Cugir – tumulus 2 (unpublished); Vajuga-Pesak (Popović 1989-1990, fig. 3/3); Mehedinţi (Nico-laescu-Plopşor 1945-1947, pl. 5/11). 28 Pleven (Popov 1928-1929, fig. 140/3); Kneža (Woźniak 1974, fig. 10/15). 29 Rustoiu 2001. 30 Cetate (Nicolaescu-Plopşor 1945-1947, pl. 3/6); Blandiana, Teleac (Rustoiu 2002, fig. 20/1-2; idem 2005, fig. 8/1-2); Rastu (Tudor 1968, p. 517-518, fig. 2/1, 5); Şimian (Traiano 1998, no. 285); Altimir, Tărnava (Kull 2002, fig. 15/1, 16/4); Koinare (Nikolov 1990, fig. 11); Sofronievo, Živovči – spear head (Kull 1997, p. 336, fig. 65/1-2). 31 Dalj (Majnarić-Pandžić 1970, pl. 24/10). 32 Orodel (Nicolaescu-Plopşor 1945-1947, pl. 3/15). 33 Mala Vrbica-Ajmana (Stalio 1986, fig. 40) 34 Dautova-Ruševljan, Brukner 1992, pl. 11/45.

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specific for the Lower Danube region (since all examples are coming from Bulgaria and Romania), while the combinations including triangles were favoured in the Scordiscian area35, but also in the territory of the Triballi36, a fact which illustrates the cultural interferences between these areas.

Fig. 6. - 1. Curved dagger from Corcova; 2. Gold helmet from Coţofeneşti (after Kull 1997); 3. The scene of Decebalus’ suicide on Trajan’s Column (after Cichorius 1896-1900).

35 Belgrad-Rospi Ćuprija (Todorović 1971, pl. 59/4); 36 Altimir, Pleven, Vrača (Woźniak 1974, fig. 10/19-21).

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Returning to the daggers from Piatra Craivii and Mala Vrbica – Ajmana, and following the analysis of the repertoire of symbols on the blades, it might be observed that the apparently similar decorations on these two pieces have a series of discrepancies. At Piatra Craivii the combination consists of punched circles and incised lines, while the dagger from the Danube’s bank has the so-called ‘suns’. Therefore, very probably, the significance of these combinations of symbols was different.

On other occasion37 I was suggesting that the figurative representations on the curved daggers might indicate a higher symbolic and spiritual significance of these weapons. In this context, it should be observed that the zoomorphic decoration was always made on the same side as the so-called ‘blood channel’ (Blutrinne). A rather similar situation was also noted in the case of Germanic populations. Zeno-Karl Pinter remarked, using the songs of the Nordic Edda, the symbolic value of the Runes scribbled on the swords’ blade ‘in the blood channel’: “If the victory you seek/Rightful you shall write on your sword/In the blade’s channel/Twice the Rune of Tyr”38.

At the same time, the curved daggers were probably used also as instruments of sacrifice. Such hypothesis might be sustained by the ‘standard’ composition of the panoplies of arms from central-eastern European Celtic milieu during the middle La Tène and from northern Balkans during the later period (fig. 5). Thus, in the Celtic milieu, the panoply contained a long sword, a spear or lance, a shield and a fighting knife. The warlike aristocracy from northern Balkans was equipped, during the 2nd and the 1st century BC (LT C2-D1), with similar weaponry and the only difference was the replacement of the fighting knife by a curved dagger of local origin. It was also observed that in the Celtic graves, a fighting knife was often found together with the meat offering, sometimes amongst the bones of the sacrificed animal. As a consequence, it was suggested that these weapons had also a ritual role, being involved in sacrifices39.

Therefore, the curved dagger might have been also used as an instrument of sacrifice, alongside its usual martial role40. The ornaments of the curved dagger discovered at Corcova (Mehedinţi) are another argument in favour of this hypothesis41. Its blade was decorated with opposed eagles, while the lower end of the scabbard was modelled as a ram’s head, an animal which was often sacrificed (fig. 6/1). In this context, it might be mentioned another analogy, although different in time and space, but suggestive for this approach – a scene depicted on the gold helmet discovered at Coţofeneşti (4th century BC) showing

37 Rustoiu 2001. 38 Pinter 1999, p. 56-57 and in detail, with concrete examples p. 57-61. 39 Osterhaus 1981, p. 14-16; Németi 1993, p. 119-120 40 Concerning these aspects see a wider discussion in Rustoiu 2007. 41 Rustoiu, Sîrbu 1999, p. 12, fig. 1; Sîrbu, Rustoiu, Crăciunescu 1999, p. 218-220, fig. 2.

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the sacrifice of a ram with an akinakes, a weapon that was a ritual instrument at the same time42 (fig. 6/2).

Taking into consideration all the above-mentioned observations, Decebalus’ suicide with a curved dagger might be interpreted from a different perspective (fig. 6/3), as an assumed sacrifice, a gesture which, together with a heroic death while fighting, constituted an essential element of the Indo-European warlike ideology43.

As conclusion, the curved dagger from Piatra Craivii can be integrated, through its morphology, decoration and functionality, amongst the similar pieces from northern Balkans region. It was very probably part of a destroyed grave of type Padea – Panagjurski kolonii. Such weapons designated by ancient authors as sicae

44, reached their final form by the end of the 3rd century BC, in the cultural milieu of the Padea-Panagjurski kolonii group. The movements towards north of the warriors that constituted this cultural group, determined the presence of curved daggers also in the territories north of the Danube. In Dacia, sica was then used for a longer period, by the military and sacerdotal elites of the Kingdom, until the Roman conquest.

AUREL RUSTOIU translated by Mariana Elena Egri

ÎN LEGĂTURĂ CU UN PUMNAL CURB DESCOPERIT LA PIATRA CRAIVII

REZUMAT

În Muzeul Orăşenesc Aiud se păstrează un pumnal curb din fier provenind de la Piatra Craivii, masiv stâncos aflat în hotarul satului Craiva, com. Cricău, jud. Alba, cunoscut în literatura de specialitate pentru cetatea dacică şi aşezarea civilă situate în punctul respectiv. Caracteristicile morfo-logice şi ornamentale ale piesei în discuţie ridică o serie de probleme noi în privinţa interpretării acestui gen de artefacte antice (vezi fig. 1/1). Dimensiunile pumnalului sunt: lungimea totală – 31,9 cm; lungimea lamei – 27 cm; lungimea mânerului – 4,9 cm; lăţimea maximă a lamei – 4,4 cm.

Potrivit datelor din registrul de inventar al Muzeului din Aiud, nu ar fi exclus ca pumnalul la care ne referim să fi făcut parte dintr-un lot de piese descoperit la sfârşitul sec. XIX, din care mai făceau parte o spadă lungă de tip La Tène şi vârfuri de lănci. În acest caz, ar putea fi vorba de inventarul sau inventarele unor morminte de incineraţie distruse, de tip Padea-Panagjurski kolonii. Acest tip de morminte, datate în sec. III/II – I a. Chr., sunt caracterizate de asocierea în inventarele funerare a spadelor La Tène, a lăncilor, a pumnalelor curbe şi a unor umbones de scut. Ele sunt însoţite adesea de zăbale de tip “tracic”. Aria de răspândire a mormintelor respective cuprinde în special nordul şi nord-vestul Bulgariei, Oltenia şi zona Porţilor de Fier ale Dunării. Prezenţa unor astfel de complexe

42 Berciu 1974, p. 88-90, fig. 42-43; Kull 1997, p. 243-244, fig. 23. 43 J.-L. Brunaux, B. Lambot, Guerre et armement chez les Gaulois, Paris, 1987, p. 46-48. 44 Valerius Maximus III, 2, 12.

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funerare, plane sau tumulare, şi în sud-vestul Transilvaniei este deja bine documentată (fig. 2). Din punct de vedere tipologic şi morfologic, pumnalele curbe descoperite în nordul

Balcanilor sunt unitare (fig. 3). Exemplarul de la Piatra Craivii face parte din seria pumnalelor cu limbă la mâner, lamă masivă şi şanţul de scurgere a sângelui puternic pronunţat. Analogiile sunt numeroase, atât la sud cât şi la nord de Dunăre. Dar cea mai apropiată analogie, din punctul de vedere al formei şi al ornamenticii, o constituie o piesă aflată în inventarul mormântului nr. 1 de la Mala Vrbica-Ajmana, în zona Porţilor de Fier, pe malul drept al Dunării, în Serbia (fig. 1/2).

Ornamentica pumnalelor curbe este complexă. Elementul de bază este constituit de cercul poansonat, dispus izolat sau în diverse combinaţii (fig. 4/1-3). Cercurile apar frecvent şi în asociere cu reprezentări zoomorfe. Acestea din urmă sunt constituite în special de perechi de păsări de pradă (vulturi) dispuse afrontat. Uneori reprezentările respective sunt foarte stilizate, dar intenţia de ornamentare a fost aceeaşi (fig. 4/5-6). În sfârşit, elementul decorativ în discuţie este asociat şi cu registre de triunghiuri poansonate longitudinal pe lamele pumnalelor (fig. 4/4).

Un alt element simbolic, întâlnit însă mai rar, este constituit de cercul poansonat, prevăzut cu “raze” incizate dispuse radial. Astfel de “sori” se combină, la fel ca şi cercurile pomenite anterior, cu vulturi afrontaţi (fig. 4/7) sau cu şiruri de triunghiuri (fig. 4/8). În general, se poate observa că ornamentele zoomorfe sunt specifice zonei Dunării inferioare (exemplele cunoscute fiind documentate pe teritoriul Bulgariei şi pe cel al României), în timp ce combinaţiile cu triunghiuri sunt prezente în spaţiul scordisc, dar şi în aria tribalilor, fapt ce ilustrează interferenţele dintre cele două zone.

Reprezentările figurate de pe lamele pumnalelor curbe ar putea indica faptul că piesele respective au constituit arme având o semnificaţie mai profundă, cu valenţe simbolice sau spirituale. În acelaşi timp, pumnalele curbe au constituit foarte probabil şi instrumente sacrificiale. Această ipoteză pare a fi argumentată de modul de constituire a panopliilor de arme “standard” din mediul celtic central-est european în perioada La Tène-ului mijlociu şi din spaţiul nord-balcanic în etapele următoare (fig. 5).

În concluzie, pumnalul curb provenind de la Piatra Craivii se încadrează, prin morfologie, ornamentică şi funcţionalitate, în rândul celorlalte piese de acest fel din aria nord-balcanică. Desemnate în izvoarele antice cu termenul de sica, aceste pumnale dobândesc forma definitivă încă de la sfârşitul sec. III a. Chr. în mediul grupului Padea-Panagjurski kolonii. Extinderea spre nord a cetelor de războinici care au constituit acest grup cultural a determinat şi difuzarea pumnalelor curbe în zonele de la nordul Dunării. În Dacia, sica a fost apoi utilizată vreme îndelungată de elitele militare şi sacerdotale ale Regatului, până la cucerirea romană.

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Craivii”, in Celticum, 12, 1965, p. 115-124. Berciu 1966 - D. Berciu, “Les Celtes et la civilisation de La Tène chez les Géto-Daces”, in

Bulletin of the Institute of Archaeology, 6, London, 1966, p. 75-93. Berciu 1974 - D. Berciu, Contribution à l’étude de l’art Thraco-Géte, Bucureşti, 1974. Božič 1981 - D. Božič, “Relativna kronologija mlajše železne dobe v Jugoslovanskem

Podonavju”, in Arh. vest., 32, 1981, p. 315-347. Brunaux, Lambot 1987 - J.-L. Brunaux, B. Lambot, Guerre et armement chez les Gaulois, Paris, 1987. Cichorius 1896-1900 - C. Cichorius, Die Reliefs der Trajanssäule, I-II, Berlin, 1896-1900. Dautova-Ruševljan, Brukner 1992 - V. Dautova-Ruševljan, O. Brukner, Gomolava 3. Rimski

period, Novi Sad, 1992. Dimitrova, Gizdova 1975 - A. Dimitrova, N. Gizdova, “Trakiiski mogilni nekropoli v Panagjurskite

kolonii pri gr. Panagjurište”, in Izvestija na muzeite ot jožna Bălgaria, 1, 1975, p. 39-87.

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